Nazi POW camps in Norway during World War II
1.1. Nazi POW camp system
Third Reich
1.2. Nazi camps for Soviet prisoners of war in Norway and conditions of detention in them
1.3. Use of the labor of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway
Repatriation of Soviet prisoners of war from Norway
2.1. Repatriation of prisoners of war in international law
2.2. The process of repatriation from Norway: stages and results
2.3. The policy of the Soviet state towards repatriates
Recommended list of dissertations
German prisoners of war in the USSR in 1941 - 1956. and the formation of the image of the Soviet Union 2009, candidate of historical sciences Medvedev, Sergey Aleksandrovich
The activities of the Soviet military authorities of repatriation in Germany in 1945-1950. 2007, Candidate of Historical Sciences Arzamaskina, Natalya Yurievna
Foreign prisoners of war on the territory of the Kursk region: 1943-1950. 2006, candidate of historical sciences Larichkina, Yulia Alexandrovna
Soviet German repatriates in the national policy of the USSR in the 1940s - 1970s 2008, Candidate of Historical Sciences Privalova, Maria Yurievna
Material damage caused to the industry of the Upper Volga region during the Great Patriotic War, and the involvement of German prisoners of war in its restoration, 1941-1949. 1998, candidate of historical sciences Baranova, Natalia Vladimirovna
Introduction to the thesis (part of the abstract) on the topic "Soviet prisoners of war in Norway during the Second World War"
Relevance of the topic. During the two world wars of the 20th century, millions of soldiers and officers of the warring countries were taken prisoner. The fate of many prisoners of war was tragic, despite the efforts of politicians to create universal laws and norms that define a humane and fair attitude towards the captured enemy. Captivity, being an integral part of any war, always becomes a test not only physical, but also spiritual, “which is accompanied by both the destruction of the personality and its formation.”1 The tragedy of Soviet prisoners of war in World War II has practically no analogues in military history. Soviet prisoners were not only victims of the Nazi policy of extermination, but were also declared enemies of their state. This situation of Soviet prisoners of war was the cause of their unprecedented high mortality. Preserving the memory of the events of the bloodiest war in the history of mankind plays an important role in improving the morality of new generations and serves as a means of preventing tragic repetitions. This problem is becoming even more urgent at the present time, when the cannonades of local wars with tens of thousands of prisoners are thundering all over the world again and again, conditions are emerging for the maturation of revanchist, neo-fascist radical organizations that intend to achieve their goals through military conflicts.
In addition to the preservation of historical memory, no less significant is the problem of the formation of individual memory through family tradition. The war touched almost every Soviet family, many of those who went to the front and found themselves in Nazi captivity are still missing. Only after the collapse of the USSR and the change
1 Schneer A. Plen. Soviet prisoners of war in Germany 1941-1945. - M., 2005. - P. 6. In the political situation, the Russians have the opportunity to receive. information" about relatives who disappeared during the war years, not only in domestic archives, but also abroad. This caused a surge of interest in the fate of fathers and brothers who did not return from the war. Therefore, the problem of Soviet prisoners of war acquired a high humane meaning and great social and political significance.
The history1 of military captivity and Soviet prisoners of war is also relevant due to its insufficient development both in Russia and abroad.
The degree of scientific development of the problem. World War II, unprecedented in terms of the scale of destruction and the number of victims, became the starting point in the study of the history of military captivity. An analysis of domestic and foreign research literature, directly or indirectly devoted to the problem of military captivity and Soviet prisoners of war in World War II, allows us to distinguish several chronological stages in development of the historiography of the topic:
Stage I (1939 - mid-1950s) In domestic historical science, the problems of military captivity were not studied until the mid-1950s. Singing the great victory of Stalin and the Soviet people over Nazi Germany, it was not customary to speak, let alone write about Soviet prisoners of war. The only significant result of the development of this topic in the mid-40s - early 50s. can be considered the folding of the source base. Some of the materials on the history of Soviet prisoners of war were published in the first collections of documents. However, there were no special works on the history of captivity and the problems of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway during this period.
The historiographical situation in the West developed differently. Along with the publication of primary sources in these years, the first studies on the history of military captivity appeared. Most of them were based on the concept developed by British historians. According to her, racial discrimination in the policy of A. Hitler, which also included the Slavic peoples, became a continuation of the nationalist views of M. Luther, only in a more cruel and sophisticated form.
In Germany itself, Austria and other countries - satellites of the Third Reich, they still preferred to remain silent about military captivity. According to the apt expression of Professor M.E. Erin, prisoners of war in the historiography of these countries turned into “forgotten victims”. This view is most fully presented in the writings of one of the representatives of the “conservative” direction, K. Tippelskirch.4 He shifts all the blame for the outbreak of the war and its victims to the Fuhrer personally, while denying the responsibility of the generals. Therefore, in the conditions of the predominance of the conservative idea in the study of the history of the war in Germany, there were no special works on the problems of military captivity.
One of the first in the West began to write about Soviet prisoners of war in Norway. Doctor of Medical Sciences Norwegian Major JI. Kreiberg, who was in the service of the allied forces as responsible for the repatriation of Soviet prisoners of war from Bodø, published materials on the process of liberation of Soviet prisoners of war by the allied forces in northern Norway.5 All subsequent publications about Soviet prisoners of war in Norway during this period had the character of local history works, appearing usually in the form of small newspaper or magazine articles. With the beginning of the Cold War, which affected the relations between the USSR and Norway, the study of the history of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway was practically stopped. This topic not only became an irritating factor in Soviet-Norwegian relations,
2 Fuller J.F.C. The Second World War 1939-1945. A strategic and tactical history // www. militera.lib.ru/h/fuller/index.html
3 Erin M.E. Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi Germany 1941-1945. - Yaroslavl, 2005. -S. 55.
4 Tippelskirch K. Geschichte des Zweiten Weltkriege // www.militera.ru/tippelskirch/index.html.
5 Kreiberg L. Frigjoring av de allierte krigsfanger i Nordland. - Oslo, 1946. but almost led to a conflict in connection with the reburial of the remains of Soviet prisoners of war on the island of Thietta.6
Stage II (mid-1950s - mid-1980s) After the XX Congress of the CPSU, exposing the cult of personality "Stalin, a new stage began, which made it possible to turn to previously closed topics in the history of World War II, including the history of captivity. Memoirs and partially declassified documents formed the basis of the first historical works.
The priority direction during this period was the study of the history of the anti-fascist Resistance, including the participation in it of the prisoners of the Nazi camps. One of the first Russian historians to address the problems of the Resistance movement and captivity was E.A. Brodsky. There are studies on individual concentration camps: about
Buchenwald, Dachau, Auschwitz, Mauthausen. . Conceptually, the authors of these publications did not go beyond the description and the camps were still considered outside the system of a totalitarian state.
One of the first works of a generalizing nature on the history of captivity was a study by D. Melnikov and JIi Chernaya. The authors were able to trace the development of the system of concentration camps from the moment they appeared in 1933. Separately highlighting the stage of internationalization of the camps, historians examined the specifics of their distribution across the territory of occupied Europe. Describing the largest concentration camps, the researchers noted the features of each of them. As a result, they showed the system of camps within the framework of the functioning of the entire Nazi state, assigning "to it an isolating and punitive role in the totalitarian mechanism.9 Unfortunately, the history of the Nazi camps in Norway is given only a few lines in the work.
7 Brodsky E.A. The living fight. - M., 1965: he is. In the name of victory. - M., 1970.
8 Logunov V. In the underground of Buchenwald. - Ryazan, 1963; Sakharov V.I. In the dungeons of Mauthausen. - Simferopol, 1969; Arkhangelsky V. Buchenwald. - Tashkent, 1970.
9 Melnikov D. Chernaya JI. Death Empire. Apparatus of Violence in Nazi Germany 1933-1945. - M., 1987.
Considering the problem of military captivity from a historical and legal point of view, the legal historian N.S. Alekseev substantiated the conclusion that the mass extermination of civilians and prisoners of war by the Nazis was part of a large-scale plan for the Third Reich, based on fascist ideology.10
If in the Soviet historiography of the 1950-1980s. the development of the topic of military captivity was just beginning, which was reflected in only two or three serious studies, then in the West its study was more intensive. This circumstance was explained not only by the availability of primary sources, but also by the change in the dominant concepts of the history of the war.
The conservative approach was gradually supplanted by the concept of representatives of the “moderate” direction, the essence of which was the recognition of the aggressive foreign policy of the Nazis, which ultimately led to the outbreak of the Second World War.11 Historians of this direction have deeply worked out the issues of the occupation policy of the Third Reich. They were among the first to turn to the study of the victims of the Nazi regime. The study of the crimes of the Nazis in Auschwitz led to the writing in 1965 of "Anatomy of the SS State", in which, along with an analysis of the causes of the emergence of the fascist state, a large amount of material was presented on the repressions against captured soldiers and officers of the Red Army. Later, in the late 80s. historians of this trend organized the activities of the Mülheim Initiative movement, the purpose of which was to show and recognize the aggressive policy of Hitlerism “as the main cause of the suffering and sacrifice of peoples”12.
The works of liberal-democratic historians constitute a relatively modest part of Western literature on the Second World War.
10 Alekseev N.S. Atrocities and retribution: crimes against humanity. - M., 1986.
11 The most typical representative of the “moderates” is G.-A. Jacobsen. His main work, which is the ideological core of the "moderates", "1939-1945. The Second World War in Chronicles and Documents // www. milrtera.lib.ru/h/jacobsen/index.html.
12 Boroznyak A.I. “This is how the legend of a clean Wehrmacht is destroyed.” Modern historiography of Germany on the crimes of the German army in the war against the Soviet Union // Patriotic history.-1997.-№3.-S. 109. The concept is a critique of the militaristic and revanchist tradition in history. The representatives of this trend include the German historian K. Streit, who made a breakthrough in the study of the history of Soviet prisoners of war in Germany. In his fundamental research, the author, on the basis of extensive archival material, was able to substantiate the ideological component that underlay the policy of the Third Reich in relation to Soviet prisoners.13 I
In addition to Germany, during this period the topic was developed in such countries as the USA, Great Britain, Israel, however, most of the works published there are related to the development of the problems of the Holocaust. While researching this topic, specialists could not ignore the history of Soviet prisoners of war.14 Unfortunately, they practically say nothing about prisoners in Norway.
At the same time, it was during this period that the works of Norwegian authors devoted to the history of Nazi captivity in Norway were published. The first publications, as often happens at the beginning of the development of a topic, were of a popular science nature. Under the auspices of the museum "Blodveimuseet" located in Rognane, several brochures were published on the problem of foreign prisoners in Norway.15 In the 80s. Norwegian researchers began to actively develop the topic of the return of Soviet prisoners of war to the USSR.16 However, these works cannot be considered strictly scientific. Written in the conditions of the Cold War, they bear a pronounced imprint of ideological confrontation, they cover the problem of the return of Soviet citizens in an extremely negative and one-sided way.
13 Streit K. They are not our comrades // Military History Journal (hereinafter VIZH). - 1992. - No. 1. - S. 50-58; No. 2. - S. 42-50; No. 3. - S. 33-39; No. 4-5. - S. 43-50; No. 6-7. - S. 39-44; No. 8. - S. 52-59; No. 9. - S. 36-40; No. 10.-S. 33-38;. No. 11.-S. 28-32; No. 12.-S. 20-23; 1994.-No. 2. - S. 35-39; No. 3. - S. 24-28; No. 4. - S. 31 -35; No. 6. - S. 35-39.
14 Taylor A. J. P. World War II. Two views // www.militera.lib.ru/h/taylor/index.html; Fugate B. Operation Barbarossa. - Strategy and tactics on the Easten Front, 1941 // www.militera.lib.ru/h/fugate/index.html.
15 Odd Mjelde intervjues om sabotasje og fangeleirenes apning I 1945. Saltdalsboka. - Bodo, 1980; Tilintetgjorelsesleirene for jugoslaviske fanger I Nord-Norge. Saltdalsboka. - Bodo, 1984.
16 Kreiberg L. Kast ikke kortene. - Oslo, 1978; Bethel N. Den siste Hemmelighet. - Oslo, 1975; UlateigE. Hjem till Stalin. - Oslo, 1985.
The use of prisoners as labor force in the construction of the Nordlandsbanen railway is described in detail in the works
A. Ellingsva and T. Jacobsen. Both works aroused high public interest. They documented the fact of the joint construction of the railway in Norway by the German Todt Organization and the Norwegian government, which threatened the latter with compensation to former prisoners.
Stage III (mid-1980 - to the present) A new stage in the study of the history of military captivity in Russian historiography began with a change in the political situation in Russia: priorities in the study of the topic changed, previously classified archival documents and materials were discovered. The problem of Soviet prisoners of war began to be considered in the context of the system of a totalitarian state, repatriation - former prisoners of Nazi camps in the USSR and their future fate.
Public interest in the topic has also increased: various organizations are emerging (the Foundation for Mutual Understanding and Reconciliation, the International Historical, Educational, Charitable and Human Rights Society “Memorial”, the Association of Former Prisoners of War), projects are initiated aimed at studying the topic of military captivity, and search work is organized.
A distinctive feature of this historiographical period was the publication of domestic authors abroad. In 1994, the work of Cheron F.Ya. and Dugas I.A. - former Soviet prisoners of war who remained after the war in the West.19 Their work, based on documents, mainly German archives, memoirs and research literature, is, on the one hand, quite informative, however, on the other hand, it is extremely politicized, filled with negative
17 Ellingsve A. Nordlandsbanens Krieghistorie. A copy of the work was received from the Swedish researcher G. Breska. From the personal archive of the dissertation student.
18 Jacobsen T. Slaveanlegget. Fangene som bygde Nordlandsbanen. - Oslo. 1987.
19 Dugas I.A., Cheron F.Ya. Erased from memory. Soviet prisoners of war between Hitler and Stalin.-Paris, 1994. attitude towards Soviet power and everything connected with it. And this was the leitmotif of almost all foreign publications by Russian authors: after the war, as a rule, opponents of the socialist system that existed in the USSR remained in the West.
Along with the release of domestic research literature published abroad, a Russian school of specialists in the study of the history of military captivity began to form during the perestroika period.
One of the first works based on declassified archival materials was a series of publications on the repatriation of Soviet citizens 20
V.N. Zemskov. A previously closed topic was presented by the author in the framework of statistical research. In addition to information about repatriates returning from Western European countries, the author also cites information about Soviet prisoners deported from Sweden and Norway.
In the 90s. historians address such issues as the ways and causes of captivity, the nature of intra-camp relationships,21 the formation of German military units from Soviet prisoners22 and the repatriation of Soviet
23 citizens in the USSR. A special place was occupied by the problem of the total number of Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi camps and the number of dead. In that
20 Zemskov V.N. On the question of the repatriation of Soviet citizens. 1944-1956 // History of the USSR. - 1990. - No. 4. - S. 26-41; he is. Repatriation of Soviet citizens and their further fate (1944-1956)//Sociological research (hereinafter Socis). - 1995. - No. 5.6. - S. 3-13.
21 Dugas I.A., Cheron F.Ya. Erased from memory. Soviet prisoners of war between Hitler and Stalin. - Paris, 1994; Kotek Zh., Rigulo P. Age of camps. Deprivation of freedom, concentration, destruction. One hundred years of atrocities. - M., 2003.
22 Semiryaga M.I. Collaborationism. Nature, typology and manifestations during the Second World War. -M., 2000.
23 Zemskov V.N. Repatriation of Soviet citizens and their further fate (1944-1956) // Socis. - 1995. - No. 5.6. pp. 3-13; Semiryaga M.I. The fate of Soviet prisoners of war // Questions of History (hereinafter VI). - 1995. - No. 4. - S. 19-33; Bichekhvost A.F. On the history of the creation of special and check-filtration camps for Soviet prisoners of war and the organization of "state checks" in them // Military-historical research in the Volga region. Collection of scientific papers. - Saratov, 2006. - S. 256-280; Arzamaskin Yu.N. Hostages of the Second World War. Repatriation of Soviet citizens in 1944-1953 - M., 2001.
24 Kozlov V.I. About the human losses of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945. // History of the USSR. - 1989. - No. 2. - S. 132-139; Gareev M.A. On myths old and new // VIZH. - 1991. - No. 4. - S. 42-52; Gurkin V.V. About human losses on the Soviet-German front in 1941-1945. // Modern and recent history (hereinafter NIPI). - 1992. - No. 3. - S. 219-224; Classification removed: losses of the Armed Forces of the USSR in wars, hostilities and military conflicts. - M., 1993. or otherwise, the listed aspects are considered in the study
P.M. Polyan - one of the first scientific works that claim to be a comprehensive study of the problem through the prism of the concept of totalitarianism.25
In addition to narrowly professional historical journals (New and Contemporary History, Questions of History, Fatherland History), many public journals intended for a wide range of readers actively publish materials about Soviet prisoners of war during this period. Articles appear in the magazines Rodina, Znamya, 28
New world".
In 1994, when the Commission under the President of the Russian Federation for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repressions considered materials on repressions against former prisoners of war and repatriates, the topic acquired not only public, but also state-political significance. Conclusions
The commissions were set out in the pages of "Modern and Contemporary History" in
1996 The Commission recognized that the Stalinist leadership acted criminally against Soviet prisoners of war.
One of the first among domestic researchers who began to acquaint readers with the works of foreign historians studying the history of Soviet prisoners of war was M.E. Erin. He made a detailed historiographical review of Russian and German literature on the problems of military captivity. In addition to substantiating the main stages in the development of the historiography of the topic, M.E. Erin identified the main
25 Polyan P.M. Victims of two dictatorships: life, labor, humiliation and death of Soviet prisoners of war and Ostarbeiters in a foreign land and at home. - M., 2002.
26 Polyan P.M. "OST" bi - victims of two dictatorships // Motherland. - 1994. - No. 2. - C, 51-58.
27 Reshin JI. Collaborators and victims of the regime // Znamya. - 1994. - No. 8. - C 158-187.
28 Glagolev A. For your friends // New World. - 1991. -№10. - S. 130-139.
29 The fate of prisoners of war and deported citizens of the USSR Materials of the Commission for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression // NiNI. - 1996. - No. 2. - S. 91-112.
0 Erin M.E. Historiography of Germany on Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi Germany // VI -2004. - No. 7. - S. 152-160; he is. Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi Germany 1941-1945. Research problems. - Yaroslavl, 2005. problems of studying the history of Soviet prisoners of war in different countries, including Norway.31
In the late 90s. a number of international scientific
O") conferences on military captivity in World War II. ~ These are the first steps in the joint development of the topic, attempts to combine the efforts of domestic and foreign researchers in studying its various aspects. Only at the beginning of the 21st century, Russian researchers turned to studying the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in various countries of the world.33 However, none of the works dealt with the history of prisoners in Norway.
Since the mid 90s. of the last century in the West, as well as in Russia, a new historiographic stage in the development of the topic of military captivity has begun.
In German historiography, this period became a logical solution to the methodological crisis that arose as a result of the unification of Germany, in which, one way or another, representatives of all 34 directions were involved.
Conferences and exhibitions dedicated to Soviet prisoners of war were organized in a number of German cities. The first special conference in Germany on Soviet prisoners of war was held in Bergen-Belsen. The international conference “Soviet prisoners of war in the German Reich, 1941-1945”, held in Dresden in June 2001, had, among other things, an important practical result: a unique pilot project was developed to create a comprehensive database based on
31 Erin M.E. Decree. op. - S. 44-45.
32 Problems of military captivity: history and modernity. Proceedings of the International spider-practical conference. October 23-25, 1997, Part 1-2. - Vologda, 1998.
33Dembitsky N.P. Soviet prisoners of war during the Great Patriotic War: Abstract of the thesis. dis. . cand. ist. Sciences. - M., 1996; Avdeev S.S. German and Finnish camps for Soviet prisoners of war in Finland and in the temporarily occupied territory of Karelia (1941-1944): Materials of the scientific and practical conference dedicated to the 60th anniversary of the start of the Great Patriotic War “World War II and Karelia. 1939-1945". - Petrozavodsk, 2001. -S. 49-57; Dragunov G.P. Soviet prisoners of war interned in Switzerland // VI. - 1995, - No. 2. -WITH. 123-132.
34 For more details, see: Korneva JI.H. German Historiography of National Socialism: Problems of Research and Trends in Modern Development (1985-2005). - Abstract. dis.doc-pa history Sciences. - Kemerovo 2007
In addition to German specialists, Austrian researchers also dealt with the history of Soviet prisoners of war. The center of its study in modern Austria was the Institute for the Study of the Consequences of Wars. J.I. Boltzmann, created in 1993. Leading specialists of the Institute G. Boschov, S. Karner and B. Stelz-Marx in 2005 released a collective work in which an attempt was made to consider the international legal aspects of military captivity in the framework of two world wars, to compare the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi captivity and German prisoners of war in the USSR. Fundamentally new in this work was an attempt to compare the situation of prisoners of war of different nationalities in the Nazi Stalags.36
Over the past decade, a revisionist trend in historiography has been actively developing abroad, the center of which, mainly, has become US research institutes. Thus, representatives of the Institute for Historical Review (Institute of Revisionism) insist that the views of most historians about the policy of the Third Reich towards Jews and Slavic. peoples, including Soviet prisoners of war, are incorrect. Revisionists deny the Holocaust, arguing that the number of real victims of the regime is much less than is commonly believed in official science.37
90s also became a fundamentally new stage in the study of the history of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway. In September 2000, a conference was held in Arkhangelsk dedicated to the war in the Arctic. On it with reports
35 Bischof G. Karner S. Stelz-Marx B. Kriegsgefangene des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Gefangennahme-Lagerleben-Ruckkehr. Wein-Munchen, 2005.
36Ibid. S. 460-476.
37 Fynat E. Auschwitz and the exile government of Poland // www.ihr.org/ihr/vl 1/vl lp282Aynat.html; Butz A. R. Brief introduction to Holocaust Revisionism // www.ihr.org/ihr/vll/vllp251Butz.html; G. Mottogno. The Myth of the Extermination of the Jews // ihr.org/ihr/v08/v08p 133Mottogno.html. Scandinavian researchers U. Larstuvold, M. Soleim, G. Breski spoke on the history of military captivity in Norway. At the same time, the first scientific research appeared. The dissertation of M.N. Soleim. Her research is based on impressive material from Western archives. M.N. Soleim made an attempt to expand the scope of research on the Holocaust and, along with Jews, to include Soviet prisoners of war as another category of persons subjected to the policy of genocide during the Second World War. The work found a positive response among domestic Scandinavians, however, as their main shortcomings, they point to the absence of Russian materials at the author’s disposal, and, above all, archival documents, memoirs of former prisoners and “a bias towards Northern Norway, which left the situation of prisoners in the south of the country in the shade” .39
Thus, the development of both domestic and foreign historiography of the history of military captivity went through three main stages, determined to a large extent by both the domestic political situation and the international situation. In the course of research conducted by domestic and Western historians, the problems of the history of the Resistance movement and the participation of Soviet prisoners in it were studied, the history of both individual concentration camps and the entire camp mechanism of Nazi Germany was highlighted. Historians examined in detail the issues of repatriation, collaborationism, the number of Soviet prisoners and the number of victims among them. Comparative studies were carried out on the situation of Soviet prisoners of war and those in Nazi captivity of the US, British and French soldiers, attempts were made to compare the situation of Soviet and German prisoners. However, much of the research literature is devoted to
38 Steffenak E.K. Repatrieringen av de Sovjetiske Krigsfagene fra Norge i 1945. - Bergen, 1995; Soleim M.N. Sovjetiske krigsfanger i Norge 1941-1945 - antall, organizing og repatriering. Dr.art.-avhandling. - Tromso, 2005.
39 Kan A.C. Rec. to: M.N. Soleim Sovjetiske krigsfanger i Norge 1941-1945 - antall, organizing og repatriering. Dr.art-avhandling. - Tromso, 2005 // VI. - 2006. - No. 6. - S. 167-169. Soviet prisoners of war who were on the territory of Germany, occupied by Austria, Poland, France, the USSR, while the study of some aspects of the history of Soviet prisoners in Norway was reflected in just a few works of a popular nature that cannot claim to be a complete coverage of the topic. M. N. Soleim’s dissertation research can be considered a study of the history of Soviet prisoners in Norway within the framework of the concept of the Holocaust.
At the same time, many problems of the history of captivity in Norway have not become the subject of study. Among them are the issues of the functioning of the Nazi camps in Norway, the psychological state of the prisoners, the influence of climate on the situation of prisoners, etc. Until now, the statistics of captivity, the issues of compensation for the work of Soviet prisoners in Norway, as well as methodological approaches in the study of the topic, remain debatable.
The object of the study is the Nazi camps for Soviet prisoners of war in Europe during the Second World War as an element of the camp system of totalitarian Germany.
The subject of the study is the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi camps in Norway.
The purpose of the dissertation research is to study the situation and the main areas of application of the labor of Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi camps in Norway, to identify their specifics, and also to highlight the process of subsequent repatriation to the USSR.
To achieve the intended goal, it is important to solve the following tasks:
1. Describe the main types of camps for Soviet prisoners of war in Norway in the camp system of the Third Reich during the Second World War.
2. To study the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi camps in Norway.
3. Establish the main areas of work carried out by Soviet prisoners of war in Norway.
4. Describe the process of repatriation of Soviet prisoners of war from Norway to the USSR.
Chronological framework. The thesis deals with the period of World War II (1939-1945). The lower time limit was determined by the beginning of World War II, when a network of camps for prisoners of war and civilians captured by German troops began to be created on the territory of occupied Europe. (Including in the territory occupied in the spring of 1940 Norway). The upper chronological boundary of the study is due to the end of World War II and the completion of the repatriation of Soviet prisoners of war from Norway.
The territorial boundaries of the study cover the territory of Norway occupied during the Second World War, which had specific climatic and geographical conditions and a special geopolitical position, which, in turn, determined the position of Soviet prisoners of war and the nature of their work.
Research methodology. As a “methodological tool”, the dissertation uses the theory of totalitarianism, relying on the classical works of the authors who made the greatest contribution to its development (H. Arendt, K. Friedrich, Z. Brzezinski). At the same time, in the theory applied to the study, the dissertation student uses the synthesized conclusions of the authors. The latter, focusing their attention on various aspects of the phenomenon, agree that ideology, being the main tool for mobilizing the masses, has become a system-forming feature of the totalitarian regime, in which the camp is the central institution of the state.40 This statement has become key in understanding the situation of Soviet prisoners of war , which became, first of all, the object of ideological rejection of the Nazis.
40 Arendt X The origins of totalitarianism. - M., 1996.-C 568
When writing the dissertation, the author relied on the principles of objectivity and historicism. The work is based on the chronological principle. In order to solve the tasks set, the dissertator uses historical-typological (when characterizing various types of prisoner-of-war camps), historical-comparative (when comparing the system of Nazi camps and the situation of prisoners of war in Norway and other occupied countries), anthropological and mathematical research methods.
The source base of the dissertation research was formed by unpublished and published materials. After analyzing all the sources used, they can be conditionally combined into several groups:
The main group of sources were unpublished archival documents. In the course of the study, materials from five archives were used. The funds of the State Archives of Norway (Riksarkivet) were involved to a greater extent. Of particular interest are the funds of the so-called "trophy German archive", containing documentation on the activities of the Nazi authorities in the territory of occupied Norway. At the end of World War II, the archive was confiscated by British troops and transferred to the UK. In 1970, at the request of the Norwegian side, it was returned to the State Archives of Norway. In addition to the "trophy archive", the materials of the repatriation fund, Major JI's personal fund, were used in the dissertation. Kreyberg, a fund containing international documents (the Hague Convention of 1907. The Geneva Convention of 1929), reports on the activities of the German "Organization Todt" in Norway.
The archives of the Oslo Resistance Museum (Norges Hiemmefrontmuseum -NHM) also contain documents on the German occupation of Norway during World War II: orders and directives of the German command in Norway, reports on the work done by Soviet prisoners of war, documents related to repatriation. These sources are highly representative due to the following significant factors. Firstly, the German pedantry and the organization of the mechanism of the Nazi machine left its mark on the documents left after them: they are extremely detailed, clear in content, designed in a single style. A lot of detailed reports, characteristics and clarifications make it possible to carry out statistical analysis, compare indicators over time.
Of particular value is the personal fund of Major L. Kreyberg, who is responsible for the repatriation of Soviet prisoners of war from the province of Troms. In addition to the lists of names of repatriates, the fund contains additional information that allows you to feel the emotional mood of the prisoners on the eve of their return to the USSR: a description of ordinary events, the situation of prisoners of war in the camps, their state of health reflect the real situation in the spring and summer of 1945.
In addition to foreign archives, materials from the funds of domestic archives were used by the dissertation writer to write the research. In the State Archives of the Russian Federation (GARF), the fund dedicated to the repatriation of Soviet citizens from different countries to the USSR (F-9526) became the central study. In addition to the lists of repatriates, it contains the report of the “Mixed Soviet-Norwegian Commission to Investigate the Living and Working Conditions of Former Soviet Prisoners of War in Nazi Captivity in Norway in the Period 1941-1945.” The data obtained by the "Commission" are regarded from the point of view of representativeness ambiguously. On the one hand, the members of the “Commission” tried to assess the situation of prisoners of war as objectively as possible, describe the work they had done, as they fulfilled the task set by the higher authorities: to collect sufficient evidence to make claims for compensation to former prisoners of war by the Norwegian side. On the other hand, it became at the same time the reason for the distortion of some data. In addition, the "Commission" carried out its work in the second half of 1945 - 1947, which also complicated the identification of reliable facts. Moreover, in their work, the members of the "Commission" widely relied on information received from the population of those regions of Norway where the camps were located, and not on documents. Often such information was extremely inaccurate. However, despite this, the documents of fund 9526 are official documents and quite objectively reflect the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway. In addition to the above fund, the study involved materials from the so-called "Special folders of Molotov and Stalin" (F-9401). These documents mainly regulate the procedure for the return of former prisoners of Nazi camps to the USSR, the creation and operation of checkpoints and filtration points (PFL), etc.
No less significant for studying the history of Soviet prisoners of war in
Norway became the fund of the Foreign Policy Archive of the Historical and Documentary Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) “Referentura for Norway”. It contains materials of diplomatic correspondence, which mainly discusses the number and location of burials of Soviet citizens in Norway, some aspects of repatriation, and presents reports from foreign news agencies. Information from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense is represented by lists of prisoners of war who died in Norway in the period 1941-1945.
A separate group is made up of narrative sources, including documents of personal origin - memoirs, diary entries, autobiographical narratives. In addition to the published sources of this group,41 unpublished memoirs can be especially distinguished.
41 were Norwegian. Memories of the struggle against fascism. - M., 1964; Salaspils death camp. Collection of memories / Ed. K. Sausnitis. - Riga, 1964; Golubkov S In the Nazi death camp. Memoirs of a former prisoner of war. - Smolensk. 1963; Barbed wire war. Memoirs of former prisoners of the Nazi concentration camp
This type of source is essential not so much for a reliable restoration of historical facts, but for conveying the emotional state of prisoners of war. The diary of Konstantin Serednitsev, one of the prisoners of war in the Trondenes camp, discovered by the allied forces in 1945, became a unique source for understanding the feelings and experiences of a person who was in Nazi captivity. In 1988, a unique diary of memoirs of an escaped Soviet prisoner of war, Ivan Yurchenko, was published.42
This source is fundamentally different from the written questionnaires sent out to former prisoners of war sixty years after the end of the war.43 In them, respondents provide already analyzed, considered information, mainly concerning the labor activity of prisoners of war, their position in the camp, and the attitude of the guards towards them. However, here the narrative loses its emotional intensity, human experiences are erased over the years, leaving only the facts in the memory of quite old people. It is possible that the form of the survey obligated the respondents to such a presentation.
It is quite difficult to talk about the representativeness of such a source as memories, since the only criterion of truth here is human memory. However, when questioning the respondents, methods were used that made it possible, to some extent, to establish the truth of the information received (questions - "traps", repetitive paraphrased questions, etc.). As a result, it was found that the information received from the respondents was quite reliable.
The dissertation research used a group of visual sources. Photographic materials serve as an additional source for
Buchenwald-M., 1958; Dyagterev V. Overcoming death. Memories. - Rostov-on-Don, 1962; People who have conquered death. Memoirs of former prisoners of fascist camps. - Leningrad, 1968.
42 Jurtsjenko I. Vort liv i Norge. En russisk krigsfanges beretning. - Oslo, 1988.
43 Memoirs of A. Kiselev, V.V. Lyubova, I.Ya. Tryapitsyn, V. Rudyka. restoration of historical reality: photographs of prisoner-of-war camps, the situation of prisoners, their work activities.44
One of the most important corpora of sources is the periodical press. During the study, periodicals of the war and the first years of the post-war period were processed. The periodicals of this period published official documents, government appeals, orders and instructions. In this sense, orders and reports on the repatriation of Soviet citizens to the USSR carried out by the Soviet government (Izvestia) are of particular importance. However, this type of sources has its own peculiarity. All the publications of the above mentioned period viewed by the dissertator were the official conductors of the policy of the Soviet power. Therefore, the information placed in them was coordinated and served to the reader selectively. This fact gives grounds to assume that not all the information posted on the pages of the newspapers Izvestia and Pravda can be considered reliable, since part of the material in the publications was of a propaganda nature.
In the course of work on the dissertation research, published documents were also used: investigation materials of the Extraordinary Commission,45 materials of the Nuremberg trials,46 documentary collections “Criminal aims - criminal means”,47 “Secrecy removed”.48 Basically, data from them were used to study the situation prisoners in Nazi camps, receiving
44 From the personal archive of the dissertator.
45 Extraordinary State Commission for the Establishment and Investigation of the Atrocities of the Nazi Invaders and Their Accomplices. About the murder of Soviet prisoners of war by the Germans in the fortress of Deblin (Ivan-gorod) and in some other German camps in Poland. - M., 1948; "Documents accuse." Collection of documents about the monstrous crimes of the German - fascist invaders in the Soviet territories. - M., 1945; Collection of documents about the atrocities of the Nazi invaders in Belarus. - M., 1944.
46 Nuremberg trials of the main German war criminals. Collection of materials in 7 volumes / Pod. ed. R.A. Rudenko. - M. 1958.
47 Criminal aims - criminal means. Documents on the occupation policy of Nazi Germany on the territory of the USSR (1941-1944).-M., 1985.
48 Classified removed: losses of the USSR Armed Forces in wars, combat operations and military conflicts. - M., 1993 statistical data, a comparative analysis of the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in different countries. The directives and orders of the Nazi leadership published in the collection of documents “World Wars of the 20th Century” made it possible to determine the main directions of the policy of the Third Reich in relation to the occupied territories, including occupied Norway.49
Thus, the groups of sources analyzed above in the complex constituted the source base of the study. The degree of their representativeness, taking into account the characteristics given to them, is quite high, which makes it possible to implement the tasks set in the dissertation research with a high degree of reliability.
Scientific novelty of the work. In the dissertation research, based on both primary and secondary foreign and domestic sources, the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi camps in Norway is studied and the main areas of application of their labor for the implementation of the military-strategic plans of Nazi Germany are characterized. On the basis of Russian archival materials, the process of repatriation of former prisoners to the USSR is considered. In addition, the dissertation undertook "< попытка; используя элементы антропологического подхода дать основные психологические характеристики пленного; установить степень влияния климатогеографической специфики страны на положение узников в Норвегии, выявить специфику в сферах применения их труда, уточнить статистику различных категорий советских пленных.
During the research, new sources were introduced into scientific circulation - unpublished foreign and domestic archival documents and memoirs. The creation and refinement of a database of Soviet prisoners of war who died in Norway (more than 2 thousand people) made it possible to introduce new statistical data into scientific circulation.
49 World wars of the XX century. Book 4: World War II. Documents and materials / Ed. M.Yu. Myagkova. - M.5 2002.
theoretical significance. The results of the scientific research carried out make a certain contribution to the study of the problems of prisoners of war of the Second World War. The scientific results of the dissertation are important for the existing historiographical situation, making it possible to conduct comparative studies, comparing the situation of Soviet prisoners of war in different countries. Consideration of this topic through the prism of a number of modern theories also allows us to develop alternative ways to study similar problems.
The practical significance of the results of the dissertation research lies in the possibility of their application in the scientific and practical sphere and educational activities.
In addition to the theoretical and statistical data given in the work, the lists of prisoners of war who died in Norway (more than 2 thousand people), a map of camps for Soviet prisoners of war in Norway, placed in the annexes to the work, may be of particular importance. For wider access to them, the data are placed in electronic form on the dissertator's personal Internet site (www.panikar.ru). The materials and generalizations of the dissertation research can also be used as educational resources for studying the history of the Second World War and the problems of military captivity.
Approbation gi introduction to the scientific circulation of the results of the study. The main provisions of the dissertation are reflected in 4 scientific articles with a total volume of 1.3 printed sheets, two of which are published in scientific journals in accordance with the list of VAK. Some of the results and conclusions obtained in the course of the study are reflected in the author's reports at two international conferences. The most significant conference, which tested the results of the study: "History of the Penitentiary System in the European North of Russia and in the Scandinavian countries in the XX century" (Vologda, November 2006). The dissertation was reviewed and approved at an expanded meeting of the Department of National History of PSU named after. M.V. Lomonosov.
The structure of the dissertation is determined by the purpose and objectives of the study. The work consists of an introduction, two chapters, a conclusion, a list of references and references, applications.
Similar theses in the specialty "National History", 07.00.02 VAK code
Repatriation in the North-West of the RSFSR, 1944-1949 1998, candidate of historical sciences Govorov, Igor Vasilyevich
Nazi women's concentration camp Ravensbrück (1939-1945): prisoner survival strategies 2010, Candidate of Historical Sciences Stanislav Aristov
The situation of foreign prisoners of war in the European North: 1939-1949: On the materials of the Vologda and Arkhangelsk regions 2003, Candidate of Historical Sciences Kuzminykh, Alexander Leonidovich
Directorate for Prisoners of War and Internees of the NKVD-MVD of the USSR, 1939-1953 1997, candidate of historical sciences Bezborodova, Irina Vladimirovna
Russian prisoners of war of World War I in Germany: 1914-1922. 2011, Doctor of Historical Sciences Nagornaya, Oksana Sergeevna
Dissertation conclusion on the topic "National history", Panikar, Marina Mikhailovna
The findings of the "Commission" also confirm the data of the German command in Norway. She found that the main sectors where the labor of prisoners of war and civilians from the USSR was used were the construction of military installations (field and coastal fortifications, airfields, naval bases). The prisoners were employed in the construction of industrial enterprises and direct work on them, as well as in road work. In addition, they were involved in work for the needs of the German troops, which included the construction of barracks, ground and underground warehouses, loading and unloading and transport work.141
The protocol of the "Commission" noted that "Soviet people were involved in the most difficult work. At the same time, work, as a rule, was carried out manually, without the use of technical means.”142 As for the length of the working day for prisoners of war, it was irregular and varied everywhere. On average, in different camps, the length of the working day varied from 10 to 14 hours, i.e. an average of 12 hours a day. At the same time, the former prisoner K. Serednitsev recalls: “Today we started working at night (from 7 pm to 5 am). We usually work 8 hours a day. We are working to strengthen the island. They build concrete bunkers. 10 hours of work in wooden shoes and such food is just murder.”143
139 RA. Document section. Imperial War Museum. Box 50. FD 5328/45. Serial #1182. S. 145.
141 GARF. F. 9526. On. 1. D. 495. L. 165.
Conclusion
Having destroyed all the social, legal and political traditions that existed in Germany before 1933, the Nazis formed a new institution of power based on ideology and terror. With the outbreak of World War II, the "spread" of Nazism across Europe led to the spread of camps throughout its territory. Despite the fact that the contingent of prisoners has changed and new types of camps have appeared, the latter continued to be one of the main mechanisms of the totalitarian state.
The special position of Soviet prisoners of war in Nazi camps is a widely known and scientifically substantiated fact.1 Neither the norms of international law nor the universal principles of humanism played their role in relation to the captured soldiers and officers of the Red Army. Once in the Nazi camps, Soviet prisoners became the object of ideological terror, and from 1942 also a source of free labor.
The appearance of Nazi camps in Norway was not accidental. The country occupied a special place in the strategic and military plans of the leadership of the Third Reich: the construction of German military bases was to strengthen Germany's position on the Scandinavian Peninsula, the use of natural resources was to support the German economy. In addition, the establishment of control over the region opened up for Germany access to the ocean and made it possible to block the delivery of food and weapons to the USSR from Great Britain.
The first batches of Soviet prisoners of war appeared in Norway in July 1941. As a result of the calculations carried out by the author, it was found that
1 See for more details: Polyan P.M. Victims of two dictatorships: life, labor, humiliation and death of Soviet prisoners of war and Ostarbeiters in a foreign land and at home. - M., 2002; Schneer L. Plen. Soviet prisoners of war in Germany 1941-1945. - M., 2000; Dugas I.A., Cheron F.Ya. Erased from memory. Soviet prisoners of war between Hitler and Stalin. - Paris, 1994. that during the Second World War there were approximately 100,800 Soviet citizens in Norway, of which about 9,000 were Ostarbeiters; the remaining at least 91,800 people are prisoners of war. Just like in the occupied territories of Europe, a universal system for managing POW camps operated in Norway: from distribution camps - Stalags, prisoners were sent to construction and work battalions, aircraft construction battalions for prisoners of war of the German Air Force and supply battalions: At the same time, it was possible to reveal some differences in the position and employment of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway.
The specifics of the situation of the prisoners of the Nazi camps in Norway were determined by the climatic and geographical features of the country. On the one hand, the harsh weather conditions of the northern regions of Norway, where the overwhelming number of prisoners were located, had a significant impact on the health of prisoners and conditions; their labour. So, by the end of the war in the North of Norway, the level of seriously ill patients in most camps was at least a third of the total number of prisoners. On the other hand, the natural landscape of the country made it possible for prisoners of war to escape and join the anti-fascist resistance units.
Conditions for prisoners in Nazi camps in Norway were little better than in Germany; The author of the dissertation did not reveal any cases of mass executions; (with the exception of the camp: in Kitdal), sophisticated bullying and systematic torture of prisoners by the guards, although the prisoners were kept in similar conditions. At the same time, unlike Germany, where outbreaks of infectious diseases claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, prisoners, in Norway there were practically no such cases recorded.
Food norms for Soviet prisoners of war in Norway, the same as B; in other countries where prisoners from the USSR were located, were also very low, amounting to 1.5-2 thousand kcal per day in caloric terms.
At the same time, thanks to the help of the local population sympathetic to the prisoners, the diet of the prisoners was actually better, especially in camps located near settlements.
Along with the study of the conditions of detention of prisoners of war, the work managed to trace the features of the use of prisoner labor. They were sent to "Norway to fulfill * specific work programs and plans. Initially, the prisoners were supposed to be used in the construction of two main facilities - the Nordlandsbanen railway, through which ore was planned to be transported, and the German naval base in Trondheim. Later, with With the increase in the number of prisoners of war, they were sent to the construction of field and coastal fortifications, airfields and naval bases.The prisoners were also employed in the construction of industrial enterprises and road facilities.In addition, they worked in the aluminum and mining industries.
Thus, in the first half of 1942 alone, the German command in Norway recruited 56,100 Soviet prisoners of war. Of these, about 20 thousand people were employed in the construction of roads, 2 thousand people worked in the aluminum industry, approximately 14.5 thousand prisoners were preparing roads for winter. These figures indicate that the leadership of the Third Reich considered the regions of Northern Norway as an extremely important strategic territory: the autobahns were the only "transport arteries" that allowed, if necessary, to transfer troops and equipment.
In addition to the German command in Norway, the task force of the German paramilitary "Organization Todt" was located on the territory of the country. Her duties included the development of the natural and industrial resources of the occupied country. In Norway, the "Organization" was represented by the "Viking" task force, which subordinated more than 23 thousand Soviet prisoners, including "Eastern workers" and those held in prison camps, including "Eastern workers" and held in camps at the Stalags, to carry out their tasks. prisoners of war. Of these, about 12 thousand people were sent to build fortifications of coastlines, 4050 people - to build highways. The rest of the prisoners worked at the largest Nazi construction site in Norway - the Nordlandsbanen railway. It was found that by the beginning of 1945, 20,432 Soviet prisoners of war from 67 camps were employed in its construction, which accounted for almost 26% of all prisoners from the USSR who were in the country. Thus, with the help of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway, the “Second German Army” (as the “Organization Todt” was called) tried to cover the needs of the Third Reich in raw materials, so necessary in a protracted war.
Based on the conditions of detention, use of labor and< уровня смертности среди пленных диссертантом было выделено три типа лагерей: первый - со смертностью свыше 50%, второй - с показателем смертности 25-35% и третий - 10-20%. При этом, было установлено, что в южных и центральных районах Норвегии подавляющее большинство лагерей соответствовало третьему типу, а в Северной Норвегии практически все лагеря относились ко второму и несколько - к третьему типу.
The victims of the Nazi regime in Norway were about 14 thousand Soviet citizens - or about 14.5% of the total number of prisoners from the USSR who were in the country. It was in the northern regions, where their situation and working conditions were the most difficult, that approximately 75% of the total number of victims among Soviet prisoners of war in Norway died. The same figure for Germany is almost four times higher. The explanation for this should be sought in the presence in Germany of the so-called "death factories" and in the colossal number of Red Army soldiers captured in the first year of the war. Relying on a blitzkrieg, the Nazis were in no hurry to provide any assistance to the prisoners, referring to the USSR's failure to sign the Geneva Convention of 1929.
In addition, the racial ideology that guided the Germans in relation to Soviet prisoners of war contributed to getting rid of the Slavic "subhuman".
The end of the war in Europe necessitated the return of former prisoners of Nazi camps to their homeland. To solve it, the Yalta Agreement was signed between the heads of the countries of the allies in the anti-Hitler coalition in February 1945. In accordance with it, all Soviet citizens, including prisoners of war and collaborators who collaborated with the Nazis, were to return to the USSR: To organize repatriation, a Department for Prisoners of War Affairs was created at the Headquarters of the Supreme Command of the Allied Expeditionary Forces, coordinating the work of all departments subordinate to it.
The question of the return of Soviet citizens from Norway to their homeland was considered in 1944 by the Norwegian and allied authorities. The measures for the implementation of repatriation were also based on the points of the "Memorandum on the evacuation of prisoners of war from Germany and the occupied territories." Norwegian, Allied and Soviet representatives took part in the preparation and conduct of the repatriation of Soviet citizens from Norway.
The study of repatriation allowed the dissertator to identify the main factors that influenced the organization and conduct of this process: the total number of repatriates, the number of patients among them, and the remoteness of the camps from transportation points. Taking into account the influence of these factors, a network of hospitals and prefabricated camps was created in Norway, and two main repatriation routes were developed.
At the preparatory stage, the identity was clarified, the citizenship of the former prisoner was established. At this stage, the so-called problem of "disputed persons" arose - citizens of those territories that were annexed to the USSR after September 1, 1939. Here, a special role was assigned to the allies who were responsible for the camps for "disputed persons", of which there were more than 1 in Norway, 5 thousand people.
In addition, on the eve of repatriation, in order to obtain information about the situation of the prisoners and* the number of patients, an inspection of the camps was carried out. To stabilize the health of former prisoners, with the support of the Red Cross and the Swedish authorities, a network of hospitals was deployed.
The stage of direct transportation of former prisoners from the country, which was carried out by two main routes, began on June 13, 1945.
The southern route "passed through Sweden, where the repatriates were delivered by train, and then by sea vessels to Finland and the USSR (Leningrad). It was found that most of the Soviet citizens - 65499 people - were repatriated by this route. The terms of transportation through Sweden were fixed in the "Agreement on the transit of Soviet citizens from Norway through Sweden". According to it, the Soviet side was obliged to pay for the transit of its citizens in the amount of about 3.5 million Swedish kronor. In addition to the "Southern", the "Northern route" was also developed for the repatriation of Soviet citizens from Norway, passing from Norwegian ports by sea to the port of Murmansk. It was shorter in time and allowed to transport seriously ill patients.
During the period of transportation by both routes, Soviet repatriates were in the zone of responsibility of the Norwegian and allied authorities. The analyzed indicators of food standards and reports on the implementation of repatriation allow us to conclude that. in the treatment of former prisoners of war, the responsible authorities respected the norms of international law and acted in accordance with the 1929 Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Prisoners of War.
As a result, by December 1, 1945, 84351 former Soviet prisoners of war were repatriated from the territory of Norway. Of these, 18,852 people were taken out by the "Northern route" and 65,499 former prisoners - by the "Southern" route. By March 1, 1946, the time of final repatriation, 84,775 repatriates were taken out of Norway, of which 6,963 were Ostarbeiters and 77,812 were former prisoners of war.
Upon returning to the USSR, former prisoners of war were sent to army collection and transit points. After verification, they were placed at the disposal of the Main Directorate of the formation of the Red Army (GUFKA). About 70% of former prisoners of war were returned to the Red Army, about 10% were transferred to the disposal of industrial people's commissariats, 3% were arrested and 1.4% died, the rest were sent to hospitals or left for other reasons.
It is known that some of the repatriates (9901 people) expelled from l
Norway "Southern Route" passed through the Vyborg PFL. The repatriates of the "Northern Route" were subjected to checks in Murmansk. There were no peculiarities in the distribution of repatriates from Norway after they passed the checks in the PFL, therefore, it can be assumed that the general indicators are also characteristic of them.
The beginning of the Cold War led to the deterioration of relations between Norway and the USSR; which was reflected in the conflict situation that arose as a result of the reburial of Soviet citizens who died in Norway during the Second World War. As a result of Operation Asphalt, carried out by the Norwegian authorities in 1951-1952, the bodies of 8,800 Soviet citizens were reburied on the island of Tjetta.
Despite the fact that more than sixty years have passed since the end of World War II, the interest of historians and the general public in the problem of Soviet prisoners of war is not decreasing. Recently, both Russian and Norwegian authorities are increasingly paying attention to the problem of preserving the memory of the Soviet prisoners who died in Norway.
2 Zemskov V.N. Repatriation of Soviet citizens and their further fate (1944-1956) // Socis. - 1995. -№6.-S. eleven.
The formation of a humane attitude and admiration for the victims of Nazism is crucial to prevent the recurrence of tragic events. Moreover, the problem also acquired great public importance when the Ministry of Social Security received orders to extend the provision on the payment of monetary compensation to former prisoners of war of Nazi Germany.
List of references for dissertation research Candidate of Historical Sciences Panikar, Marina Mikhailovna, 2008
1. Archival materials State Archive of the Russian Federation (SARF)
2. F. 9526. Fund "Department of the Commissioner of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR for Repatriation F. I. Golikov"
3. State Archives of Norway (Riksarkivet, RA) Documents section. Imperial War Museum
4. Box 50. FD 5328/45. Serial #1182. S. 11, 47, 48, 50, 70, 74, 144, 145, 167, 204, 234.
5. Box 50. FD 5327/45. Serial #1456. S. 5. UD Internasjonale konferanser og overenskomster 27.2/21. Bind IV. Box 10558.
6. Text of the Geneva Convention. 1929 Art. 1.11. UD. 37.1/18. bind 1.
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118. KRJGSFANCELEIRE I NORGE MOT SLUTTEN AV KR1GEN
Please note that the scientific texts presented above are posted for review and obtained through original dissertation text recognition (OCR). In this connection, they may contain errors related to the imperfection of recognition algorithms. There are no such errors in the PDF files of dissertations and abstracts that we deliver.
In less than a month, Russia will be celebrating another anniversary of the victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War over the Nazi invaders. The war affected all continents and countries, including Norway, neighboring the USSR.
On the territory of this country, occupied by German troops, the Nazis created a powerful concentration system, which consisted of about 500 prisoner of war camps. It turns out that, on average, for every 800 kilometers there was a zone surrounded by barbed wire - a zone of hunger, cold, exhausting labor and incredible cruelty.
During all the years of the war, about 100,000 Soviet prisoners of war passed through this system, mostly soldiers and officers of the Red Army. Of these, 13.7 thousand died. To date, Norwegian researchers have managed to recover the names of seven thousand people, more than half of them in the last five years. And in many ways - thanks to the Russian archives.
Marianne Neerland Suleym, Doctor of Sciences, curator of the Norwegian Falstad Center, is one of those researchers for whom the topic of scientific work at the University of Tromsø 13 years ago turned into a life's work. Why and for whom she does this, Marianne told RIA Novosti correspondent Anastasia Yakonyuk during the Days of the Nordic countries in Murmansk, one of the main events of which was an exhibition dedicated to the fate of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway in 1941-1945.
— Marianne, you are looking for information about people from another country who died in Norway about 70 years ago. Finding and establishing each name is a titanic work. Tell us why you became interested in this part of the story.
- For a long time, this topic was not given much attention in Norway. When I started working with her, I was convinced how little our country knows about this page of military history. Meanwhile, there are families in Norway where the memory of Soviet prisoners of war is carefully preserved: many relatives of the current Norwegians helped the prisoners of the camps on pain of death and punishment, they were witnesses of cruelty and inhumanity. That is why it is an important part of history for Norwegians.
© Photo: from the archives of the Falstad Center
— What has been done to date, where can I find information about the dead prisoners?
- I started working with this topic in 2000, collecting material for 13 years. Only in 2009 did the Norwegian authorities begin to create a database containing information about the names, fates, and burial places of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway. This work continues to this day.
We work with databases, archives. Now we can already talk about more than seven thousand restored names out of 13 thousand victims. Moreover, four thousand names were established quite recently, thanks to the fact that we got the opportunity to work with information from Russian archives - they were closed to us until recently.
Here, the cards of the prisoners are of interest to us, but on many of them it is already difficult to make out the inscriptions made in German or in Russian, which is why it is so difficult to compare the Norwegian names of the places where these camps were located.
Unfortunately, it is very difficult to restore the names of those prisoners who died during transportation by sea along the coast of Norway - then two large ships sank, on which a total of about three thousand people were. Their lists have been lost.
The database was opened to everyone in 2011, and relatives of former prisoners of war could find in the public domain information about their loved ones who died in camps in Norway.
POW camps during the war years were dispersed throughout occupied Norway. Some contained up to 50 people, others could hardly accommodate thousands. Today, most of them are hard to find, not to mention the graves of Soviet soldiers.
At the height of the Cold War in 1951, the Norwegian authorities decided to move all Soviet military graves to a special military cemetery on the island of Tjetta on the Helgeland coast. The operation, which was carried out secretly and quickly, was called "Asphalt", and it caused outrage among many ordinary Norwegians, who considered it a desecration of graves and an insult to the memory of Soviet soldiers.
- Marianne, what was the need to move the remains? Indeed, during this operation, monuments and crosses were demolished in many places in memory of the victims.
“It was the period of the Cold War, and it so happened that the history of prisoners of war was even more alienated from national history. The need for the transfer was explained by the fact that at that time the territories of many former camps and burial places were in the military zone. The authorities explained that they were afraid of espionage, that people could come there and take pictures of objects.
Of the three northern regions, the remains of about four thousand prisoners were moved to the island, there is a monument. The names of 800 people have been established, and we are still finding new names. We would like to install another monument with names on the island, so that later we can supplement the list if we manage to find someone else.
— Are there any other burials of Soviet prisoners in Norway today, what condition are they in, who takes care of them?
- Throughout Norway, you can find small burials, individual graves - only in northern Norway there are about 500 of them. Many are in a deplorable state - they are overgrown and destroyed. But we are in dialogue with the authorities in Oslo and hope that we will be heard and something will be done so that history is not forgotten. And so that people, coming to where the camps used to be, know what kind of place it is.
© Photo: from the catalog of the exhibition "Soviet prisoners of war in Norway"
© Photo: from the catalog of the exhibition "Soviet prisoners of war in Norway"
But local authorities should also take care of such burials. Unfortunately, they are not doing very well yet, and largely because of that operation.
They thought it was not their business to take care of Soviet graves, but now something is changing, the burials are being put in order, monuments are being restored.
- A large array of information passes through you - names, dates, names of camps ... Do you manage to learn more about the fate of people behind dry numbers and facts?
- Yes, there are really a lot of numbers, but every time we find information and put it in the database, we also look for photographs, drawings of the places where the prisoner was, so that relatives learn more about the fate of a loved one. I am always looking for material, collecting bit by bit.
I met with many of those who survived in these terrible camps. Some, until old age, did not even tell their families what happened to them during the war years. I talked to the Norwegians who were on the other side of the barbed wire and were trying to help the Soviet prisoners. Most of the memories are collected in books published in our country.
In many homes in Norway, small handicrafts made of wood or metal are carefully kept, which Soviet prisoners gave to Norwegians in exchange for food or as a token of gratitude for help. It is now also an important part of Norwegian cultural history.
Once I was approached by the son of a former prisoner who had been looking for his father's grave for many years. It took me two years to find his card.
Imagine, the children of that soldier lived with this uncertainty for 60 years. When we found the burial place, the son and his daughter had already arrived in Norway, visited the grave, it made a very strong impression on me.
Even today we receive many letters from the children and grandchildren of former prisoners. They don't come often - it's expensive, but we try to send them photos and all the information we can find.
- The fate of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway became the topic of your doctoral dissertation and a separate book. The exhibition dedicated to this page of history travels to different countries. What other pages of military history would you like to discover?
- There is still a lot of work ahead - with burials and establishing names. In addition, I would like to study in more detail the history of the liberation of eastern Finnmark (a province in northern Norway, which was liberated by Soviet troops in the fall of 1944).
And I am also writing an article about civilian convicts who ended up in camps - about women and children forced to work on the territory of occupied Norway. Little is known about them at all, and this is another tragic page in the history of that war.
Today, out of 13,700 Soviet prisoners who died in Norway, the names of only 2,700 are known. The purpose of the exhibition is to spread knowledge in Russia and Norway about a very important part of our common history, which was silent for a long time.
"In many secluded and remote corners of Norway, there are still people who cherish the memory of Soviet prisoners of war and lovingly look after the graves of those who were not destined to live to see the long-awaited victory. Of those who did not live, there are more than 13 thousand people in Norway. On festive, solemn days, Norwegians come to the burial sites with bouquets of flowers or wreaths and put them at the foot of the monuments erected by the prisoners of war after their release from the camps. The construction of monuments took place mainly in May, June and partly in July 1945, i.e. months before repatriation. These tombstones and monuments were built for the most part not in cemeteries and not always from durable materials, but from what was at hand. Naturally, structures of this kind could not withstand the changeable Norwegian weather for a long time, especially in the coastal regions of the country. The creators of these monuments in no way claimed the classical beauty, "greatness and peace" of their structures, and modestly decorated them sometimes with a red star, sometimes with an Orthodox cross. In rare cases, these two creeds were placed side by side in close proximity. Those of the monuments that did not fall apart, were not destroyed by vandals and were not demolished by the Norwegian military authorities, remind the new generations of Norwegians of the hardships of the German occupation, which their fathers and grandfathers visited, and of the severe trials in fascist captivity that fell to the lot of Soviet prisoners of war .
In addition, they remind of human warmth in inhuman conditions, of the solidarity and struggle of ordinary people against the bottomless evil that has surfaced from the depths of fascist racial theory. Over time, these monuments turned into a material guarantee of the mutual sympathy and compassion that arose in those distant years between the “humiliated and insulted” representatives of the two peoples and many nationalities. In the first months after the war, these feelings culminated in widespread fraternization, in sincere friendship. In the unforgettable days of May 1945, as soon as Soviet prisoners of war appeared in any crowded place, the Norwegians surrounded them from all sides, shook hands warmly, clapped them on the shoulder and hugged them tightly. The military and members of the Resistance Movement pulled themselves into line, saluting in a friendly way, and the women stroked their faces, and their eyes slowly filled with tears of genuine compassion, and their hearts with a feeling of boundless joy: Norway is free again! You are our liberators!
These feelings, experienced by Norwegians, eyewitnesses and participants in the events of those days, were passed on to their children and grandchildren to a certain extent and in different ways, and they, comprehending the history of their country, come to the conclusion that the stay of Soviet prisoners of war in Norway during the war is just as integral part of its history as the German occupation. And although today's youth does not show much interest in recent history, there is a significant stratum among them who have a fairly clear idea of the innumerable sacrifices made in the name of victory by all the peoples of Russia. According to the International Demographic Conference in Moscow in 1994, these victims amount to 26 million people, which is approximately 6 times the current population of Norway. Most Norwegians remember this. Norwegians also remember and keep the memory of those who died and were buried in their country. They still have a favorable attitude towards the Russians, despite the not always benevolent Norwegian press ... "
...They unloaded us at some station and drove us on foot to the camp in the city of Thorn, in Poland. We were placed in separate barracks, fenced off from the other area with barbed wire. The old-timers of this camp told us that the camp is divided into zones, in each zone there are prisoners from one state, the Russians are fed the worst of all, and the Americans and the French are the best of all. Recently, the Italians were brought here, and the Germans are already putting their allies in camps. A week later, we were again loaded into wagons and sent on our way. After two nights and one day we were unloaded and again driven to the camp on foot. We walked a long time to Stargard. We stayed in this camp for about a month. We were taken to work, and one by one, groups were left in the camp, recorded in some books and photographed. They were given a stencil with a new camp number, which had to be held at chest level. We were not given photographs. Experienced men advised me to twist my face when photographing, so that in the event of an escape, it would be more difficult to identify me from the photograph, so I did ...
Ilchenko Mikhail Alekseevich,former prisoner of war.
Personal cards of Soviet prisoners of war. Simple, native Russian faces...
Soviet prisoners of war behind barbed wire.
More personal cards:
Camp Hell of Prisoner Soldiers:
Slave labor on Norwegian soil:
Sisters Olya, Nina and Katya:
Stand-personal card under the ceiling. Part of the personal file of the prisoner of war Arkady Korneichuk (1907-1942), who died in a concentration camp in Norway:
Liberation.
Soviet prisoner of war, released during the operation from the camp. 1945
The remains of Soviet prisoners of war and the barracks of a German camp in northern Norway.
At the time of liberation in 1945, there were about 84,000 Soviet prisoners of war on Norwegian soil. On June 13, 1945, the sending home, or repatriation, of Soviet citizens began. During the Cold War in 1951, the so-called Operation Asphalt was carried out in Norway, during which the remains of Soviet prisoners of war were transferred from the cemeteries of Northern Norway to the Tjetta military burial site on the Helgeland coast. Many monuments were destroyed during the reburial.
Freed prisoners:
Norwegian soldier and Soviet child (probably a little girl). A photograph worthy of becoming symbolic.
From the memoirs of an eyewitness-translator:
Home, in the USSR.
...At dawn we were stopped at some station, where we stood for more than an hour. Petlin left to find out what was the matter and, returning, reported that the train was being transferred, since the next station was already on the territory of the Soviet Union. We all crowded at the windows and doors so as not to miss the moment of crossing the border. And now, finally, it happened! We saw border posts and border guards in green caps. Our joy knew no bounds! Finally at home! Suddenly, one of the soldiers shouted: "This is Luzhayka station! I served here and took the first battle with the Germans and Finns" ...
Ilchenko Mikhail Alekseevich.
Things made in the camp by Soviet prisoners of war.
The wind is blowing and it is raining in Gerdla's graveyard. A little more than half an hour by car northwest of Bergen stands a monument to Ivan Vasilyevich Rodichev. Someone came here with a wreath and a candle.
This is the as yet unknown story of how a young man from a village in the south of the Soviet Union ended up on a tiny Norwegian island with only one house. And about how he died.
The story tells about the terrible everyday life of 3% of the Norwegian population in the mid-forties and about Soviet prisoners of war.
More than 70 years after World War II, more bricks are falling into place. Who was this Ivan? And almost 100,000 other Soviet prisoners of war who were building the northern railway, the E6 highway and the new German airfield in western Norway?
The Nazis called them "Untermenschen" (subhuman). They had no human rights, they were barely fit to be slaves.
Only the strongest survived during transportation from the Eastern Front to slave labor in Norwegian towns and villages.
13.7 thousand Soviet prisoners of war died on Norwegian soil or during shipwrecks off the Norwegian coast during World War II. Almost 6 thousand of them are still not identified.
For comparison, more than 10.2 thousand Norwegians died on land and at sea.
POWs were killed by hard work and inadequate food. The story of Ivan, who was a little over 20, is somewhat different.
Camps on the Eastern Front
On June 22, 1941, Germany attacked the Soviet Union. It became the largest military conflict in world history. And longer than expected Adolf Hitler (Adolf Hitler).
In the first months after June 1941, the Germans took more than two million Soviet people prisoner, but the Germans had no plans for these prisoners.
The prisoners were kept in the open air behind barbed wire in large fields near the front line. Thousands of those who were not killed as Jews and communists died of disease and starvation. By the end of 1941, about 5,000 Soviet prisoners of war were dying every day.
Hitler planned to use the entire Soviet Union. Communism was the main enemy of Germany in the thirties. Now it was necessary to oust the civilian population, and the Germans were to come in its place.
The history of Ivan Vasilyevich Rodichev began with his birth in the Soviet Union in 1920. In civilian life, he worked as a driver. He was Orthodox. His father's name was Vasily. This information is contained in his prisoner of war card on the page with Russian text.
Apart from that, we have almost no information about Ivan left. The prisoner of war card is the only document that can tell something about his short life, cut short on Norwegian soil.
Hitler thought that the war in the east would end in a few months, but this did not happen. The dictator of the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin, was not ready for war, and he did not have enough weapons. But Stalin had enough people. When the Germans killed or captured someone, new Soviet soldiers constantly took their place on the battlefield.
Soon Germany was in trouble. She needed labor for factories and harvesting in agriculture, but young Germans had to continue the war on the Eastern Front.
Therefore, Hitler decided that prisoners of war should be used as laborers.
Transportation of prisoners of war to Norway
In the central archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation in 1946, some information about Ivan Vasilyevich Rodichev was recorded. He was born in the village of M. Bykovka, Balakovo District, Saratov Region. His mother's name was Ekaterina Andreevna Rodicheva.
She lived in this village when her son was sent to war.
On December 8, 1943, Ivan, a senior sergeant in the 2nd motorized rifle battalion of the 3rd motorized infantry guards division, was taken prisoner in Malin in Poland.
Soviet prisoners of war had two serious problems that made their life unbearable and hopeless.
The Geneva Convention of 1929 established international rules for the detention of prisoners of war, but the Soviet Union did not sign this convention. The Nazis took advantage of this. They believed that these prisoners of war had no rights, they were treated cruelly, they were starved.
In addition, Staley introduced a law according to which captivity became punishable. Stalin's order stated that the last bullet in the rifle was intended for the soldier himself.
Largest number of prisoners of war in Norway
Ivan's height was 174 centimeters, he had dark hair. He was healthy when he was taken prisoner. There are fingerprints on the prisoner of war card, but no photograph.
The second page of this card says that he was sent to the Stalag VIII-C POW camp. He was in Zagan in Germany (in Żagań in Poland). There he was assigned a prisoner of war number - 81999. On February 12, 1944, he was sent to the Stalag II-B assembly camp near Stettin in Germany. Now this city is called Szczecin and is located in Poland.
Gradually, the number of prisoners of war in Norway became the largest in Europe in relation to the population. At this time, the population of Norway was approximately three million, of which more than 95 thousand were Soviet prisoners of war. The Nazis sent not only prisoners of war, but also civilians from many other countries to hard labor in Norway.
All Soviet prisoners of war arrived in Norway on cargo ships from Stettin across the Baltic Sea. The fittest men were herded aboard like cattle, stuffed to capacity in cargo holds without toilets. Not everyone survived to the final delivery point.
“If someone died, it didn’t bother the Nazis much. After all, there were so many prisoners,” says historian Michael Stokke.
A researcher from Narviksenteret is trying to collect as much information as possible about every prisoner of war in Norway.
Approximately 8,000 people out of 13,700 Soviet prisoners of war have been identified so far.
Most of the prisoners of war from the Eastern Front were brought to Norway in August 1941. This was before Hitler gave the order for soldiers to be used as hard laborers. Each of the first four transports delivered 800 people. The Germans badly needed labor to clear the snow in Northern Norway. This heavy manual work was carried out by the prisoners.
Gradually, prisoners of war began to build defense facilities, airfields, railways and highways on Norwegian soil. One of the highways was Highway 50, now called E6. The prisoners were a very important labor force for the Germans, at the same time they were considered "subhuman" who had no value.
Two thirds of all Soviet people in Norway were in Northern Norway. Only for the construction of the northern railway it took 25 thousand Soviet prisoners.
Airfield "Gerdla Fortress"
On March 22, 1944, Ivan Vasilyevich Rodichev arrived at Stalag 303 at Örstadmuen near Lillehammer. All POWs in Southern Norway belonged to this main camp. Here they were distributed and sent on to hard slave labor.
A few weeks later he was sent to the labor battalion of prisoners of war 188, located in Bergen. Three days later, he began working on Gerdl's POW work team.
“Just two months later, he died. It was a short stay in captivity,” says Michael Stokke.
No one knows what kind of work Ivan did because Gerdla Island was a closed military zone. Here the Germans had units of all three of their branches of service: the Luftwaffe had its own airfield, the Wehrmacht (ground forces) had a coastal fort, and the Kriegsmarine (navy) served a torpedo battery.
“Wherever you turn here on the island, almost everywhere you can see traces of war. These are huge structures, positions, dugouts, quarries and tunnels,” says Gunnar Furre.
He heads the Gerdla Museum and talks about how the Nazis rushed to turn the flats on Gerdla into the main airfield for eastern Norway. They knew how to plan quickly.
At this time there were no airfields in Norway between Stavanger and Trondheim. It was urgent to build an airfield to cover shipping along the coast from Allied attacks, monitor the arrival of ships in Bergen and protect the coast itself.
“Gerdla was completely closed to the civilian population, so we do not know what the prisoners were doing there. There were about 1.5-2 thousand people on Gerdla, including prisoners of war, but we don’t know for sure, ”says Gunnar Furre.
The Germans also built a coastal fort on Havelen north of Gerdl with four artillery positions. At the end of the war, the construction of the Eltne torpedo battery, located in the same area, was completed.
150 Soviet prisoners of war lived in Gerdlevogen on Gerdla Island itself. Ivan was placed in a barracks along with about 80 other prisoners on the small neighboring island of Midtei.
Context
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BBC Russian service 27.08.2015There lived a woman who still remembers rumors about Hitler. She also remembers the resulting chaos. And one more thing - when Ivan was taken away.
Inhuman conditions in the camps
When the POWs arrived at Gerdla, the airfield had by and large been built by the Organization Todt (OT). This paramilitary construction organization entered into contracts with private construction firms, in addition, construction battalions of prisoners of war numbering up to 3 thousand people were attached to it.
Norway had 15-20 such construction battalions. And 103 camps. The Wehrmacht determined how much food the prisoners were to receive, how much clothing they needed, and the OT was responsible for accommodation in barracks and for construction projects.
Responsibility was scattered. When the prisoners died, these organizations shifted the responsibility to each other. Who was to blame for their deaths? Was it because of the poor conditions in the barracks, or did they not have enough food?
“The Germans had special concepts in their prisoner of war cards, they had something called “general physical weakness.” This is not a diagnosis, it just meant that the body was worn out. Prisoners of war died of exhaustion,” says Michael Stokke.
The Soviet prisoners of war in Norway had the clothes in which they were taken prisoner, they wore it throughout the captivity. With hard work in any weather, clothes quickly fell into disrepair. In winter, it happened that their shoes were taken away so that they would not run away. Then they had only wooden shoes that the Germans gave them. To keep them from falling off their feet, they were tied to their feet with cement bags and wire.
“The prisoners worked all day, moving heavy pebbles and sand with shovels. They had no way to warm up and dry their clothes at night after a long rainy day. Usually in a room with one stove there were 30 people. The next day they again had to go to work in wet clothes.
The ten-hour working day lasted from 07.00 to 17.00. The prisoners had a half-hour break without food in the middle of the day.
Food was given in the evening. As a rule, it was soup with cabbage, some potatoes and maybe some meat. In some camps, the soup was called flower soup, in others, barbed wire soup. This soup had many different names and little nutritional value.
They were also given some bread, which they tried to save for the next morning. German soldiers often took away the butter that was given to bread, and if you don’t have such an important thing as butter, then you become seriously malnourished,” Stokke says.
Barrack life on Midthey Island
Every morning at seven o'clock from Monday to Saturday, Ivan Vasilyevich Rodichev, along with everyone else, was taken by boat from Midtey to work in Gerdla.
Sunday was a day off.
“Then a beautiful Russian song rushed from the highest hills of Midtey Island. It was so beautiful,” says one Midtei resident who has lived here for over 70 years.
The elderly woman does not want to be named, but her story indicates that about 80 prisoners on the island fared slightly better than prisoners of war elsewhere.
The young people in the barracks by the pier made a great impression on the Norwegian family, who lived on the island in a house on a hill. The youngest prisoner was only 17 years old.
“He showed us a photograph of his sister, but did not know if she was alive or not. And then he started crying. His parents are dead. I felt sorry for the cute boy."
The prisoners on Midtey had a fairly free regime. Some helped carry water when the Norwegians did their laundry. And the prisoners who worked in the kitchen could come to the family living upstairs on Midtey to sharpen kitchen knives.
The family on the Midtai lived on fishing, and the men were at sea most of the time.
“The prisoners were normal people, but we never went down to the pier one by one. We always went in pairs,” the woman says.
“I remember how they sent us potatoes on a boat. We could not carry everything from the pier at once, and the next day there was nothing there. They hid the potatoes under their clothes, but basically nothing bad ever happened.”
The prisoners found crabs in coastal stones and boiled them in small tins. “They never complained,” the woman says.
But they were hungry. And here their daily diet also consisted of soup and bread.
“They had one extra shirt that they often wore in their spare time. Shoes were bad, but many prisoners received knitted socks from us. It was a great joy for them."
On this small island, there was a closer relationship between prisoners of war and Norwegians than is usual elsewhere. Historian Michael Stokke believes that this was because it was difficult to escape from island to island, and that the German guards, in general, did not touch the prisoners.
“Many German guards did not want to go to the Eastern Front. Those who were sent to guard the prisoners in Norway did their job and treated the prisoners fairly well. But not too good, because in this case they could be punished and sent to the Eastern Front. It was necessary to maintain a medium distance, ”explains Stokke.
Myths about those who survived
Many of the 84,000 Soviet prisoners of war who survived the war in Norway were afraid to return home. They were afraid of Stalin's punishment.
The myths of the Cold War told that most were executed after returning home, but later it turned out that this was not true.
The Cold War between East and West began in 1947, when all contacts were basically cut off, and this continued until the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. After 1990, it became easier to access Russian archives.
“Actually, fewer people ended up in these terrible Soviet prison camps than was commonly believed. Those who got there were those who in any way were in the service of the Germans. As translators or actively helped the Germans. Many prisoners of war could immediately return home. Some went on to serve in the army, others had to work for two years to rebuild society before going home. That is, their situation was much better than we thought. All were not shot, as some said. They did much better after the war than we thought,” says Stokke.
Rumors about Hitler's death
By the evening of Saturday, July 22, 1944, Midthey was slightly cloudy and there was almost no wind.
The temperature was almost 20 degrees Celsius when the boat of the German officer Hans Richard Küster (Hans Richard Küster) and his team moored to the pier. Küster was the commander of the 2nd company, 18th battalion of the Wehrmacht in Bergen.
The island was immediately in turmoil. By order, all the prisoners were taken out of the barracks. From the attic window of the main house, the women of the Midtai family watched the drama unfold. The Germans who lived on the island ordered that the children did not leave the house. They couldn't see it.
“There was a terrible cry. These healthy men, who arrived on a boat, ordered, shouted and threatened to shoot.
Ivan Vasilyevich Rodichev left Midtey in a dress shirt
He was sitting on Küster's boat with his hands on his head. In front of him stood a German soldier with a bayonet aimed at Ivan's chest. Four other prisoners were taken away in exactly the same way. It was the last day of Ivan Vasilyevich Rodichev.
Two days before, Wehrmacht officers in Germany had attempted to carry out a coup d'état against Hitler. A bomb exploded in one of the main headquarters of the German leadership, but Hitler was only slightly injured.
However, rumors of Hitler's death nevertheless spread. And they reached Midtei and Gerdla.
“Rumors spread everywhere among the Norwegians and among the prisoners, because they didn’t know anything. They just heard something and everything was completely distorted. The troops allegedly entered there or there, peace came, and then the Nazis had to surrender. The rumors were completely wild,” says Stokke.
Prisoners refused to work because Hitler died
“Those who did not return were probably the two who campaigned the most,” says Michael Stokke.
No one knows exactly where the dead Ivan Vasilievich Rodichev and Pyotr Grigoryevich Nikolaev lie. We know little about Nikolaev - only that he was a private born in 1916, probably from Novosibirsk.
“I won’t rest until I find his prisoner of war card,” Stokke says.
A historian and researcher, he still receives calls from descendants and family members who want to know where their loved ones are buried in Norway.
“Just a few weeks ago I was contacted by a Russian who is looking for his grandfather, who went missing.”
After the war, there were rumors that Ivan and Peter had been shot by a German guard team in Gerdla near the church wall.
After the release, the prisoners demanded to find the corpses in order to bury them properly, and the Germans were sent to excavate and search. To no avail.
On the memorial stone, installed on Gerdl by fellow Soviet prisoners, it is written: "Here lie two Russian soldiers shot by the German Nazis on 22.6.1944" (INCORRECT DATE: The date on the memorial stone - June 22 - is erroneous. The archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation confirms that both were shot on July 22, 1944. The monument says "Petr", although the correct spelling of the Russian name is "Pjotr" - approx. the author of the article).
The memorial stone was first placed outside the church cemetery, but later moved to the cemetery. At the entrance to the church.
Hans Richard Küster and nine others were charged with executions on Gerdl after the war. Küster died in captivity in East Germany in 1946.
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