Myanmar is a popular tourist destination, a country with a great history, open people and traditional Asian attachment to traditions. Previously, the state was called the Republic of the Union of Burma, abbreviated as Burma, but in 1989, along with a change in the political course of the authorities, a complete reconstruction of the regalia came, which marked the beginning of the further development of the country. Now Myanmar is the largest center of recreational and spiritual activity in Asia, advocates for democratic movements around the world and seeks to refrain from conflicts in the international arena, at least until recently.
Location and features of geolocation
For tourists, the question “where is Burma and what kind of country is Myanmar” arises even at the stage of considering travel options. The fact is that this name is an accustomed archaism in relation to this state. The population of the former Burma itself is extremely negative about the nickname and in every possible way emphasizes the fact that changes in regalia have occurred. Geographically, Myanmar is located in the west borders on India and Bangladesh, China, Laos and Thailand. The total area of the state is 678 sq. km., and the length of the coastline is 1930 kilometers.
Most of the area of the former Burma is under the influence of the subequatorial and tropical climate, as a result of which the weather is humid and hot. Relatively cold are only a few months - from late October to mid-February. In the cool period, the average temperature regime is 13-15 degrees Celsius, less often - 10. Frosts are possible in mountainous areas, in summer the temperature rises to 41 degrees. Due to the high humidity and heat, destinations in Myanmar are usually popular with tourists from August to September.
Economic potential
“Where is Burma? What kind of a country with such a conservative course? - it is enough to answer these two questions to describe the economic potential of the state. The former Burma is located between several large neighbors, in an area where expensive timber is abundant and there are valleys adapted for plantations. The lion's share of GDP (more than 40%) falls on the agricultural sector. Rice, legumes, sugar cane are grown on the territory of the country, it is the latter that is exported to Asian countries. Among the population, more than 70% are involved in the agricultural sector, in contrast, the sphere of consulting and IT technologies is the least popular.
20% of GDP is industry, mainly manufacturing. The lion's share of exports, more than 50% (according to data for 2016) falls on Thailand, which is a strategic partner of Burma. From minerals, gold, oil, tin, iron ore are massively mined, there are enterprises for processing tungsten. Only 7% of the population is employed in this industry. In the industrial segment, from the point of view of the state, the sectors for the extraction and processing of precious and semi-precious stones are priority. Myanmar not only processes such a luxury resource, but also successfully supplies it abroad.
The national kyat is floating against the dollar. Regardless of the US embargo and tensions, tourists continue to flood the Burmese market with foreign capital. You can exchange currency in the country not only at the bank, but also on the black market.
tourist destination
The government of Myanmar emphasizes the openness of the state in terms of contacts with the world community and supports recreational beginnings among society. Former Burma is ready to offer tourists a warm climate, low beach density due to its proximity to Thailand, and strong infrastructure. A tangible advantage of Myanmar in this segment is access to two bays and the sea, an extensive coastline allows you to choose a resort for relaxation, depending on the preferences of the tourist.
Despite the rather strict censorship carried out by the authorities in relation to the indigenous population, all kinds of restrictions do not affect tourists to a significant extent. In comparison with similar resorts, it is worth noting only slightly stricter laws in relation to the behavior of tourists in public places and restrictions on movement in certain areas. Travelers themselves are attracted to a greater extent by the former capital of the state - Yangon, where the Shwedagon Pagoda is located. The temples that are the least developed in terms of infrastructure of the city are also interesting, since bama (the self-name of the people of Myanmar) has an impressive history and a craving for preserving traditions. The main interest among tourists is not the capital of Myanmar, Naypyidaw, but more remote areas.
A set of rules that tourists must study
For more than 60 years, a rather strict “special regime” operated on the territory of Myanmar, when the country was protected from the outside world by a military dictatorship. At the moment, the former Burma is open to tourists and travelers, however, a number of rules apply on the territory of the state, which should be followed both in more civilized areas and in the wilderness. It is prohibited to export Myanmar currency, but the restriction does not apply to foreign currency. Any amounts above 2 thousand dollars are subject to mandatory declaration, their exchange is carried out within a state bank or other large counterparties.
It is forbidden to export any images or figurines of the Buddha, objects of historical or national heritage, cultural values from the country. Anti-government or banned religious literature, household appliances, including cameras, cannot be brought into the country; they may be asked to leave them in a storage cell. There are few such precedents, but it is still worth bearing in mind the existence of such an order. Not everywhere in the country you can move freely. Echoes of the military regime are still strong in Myanmar. There is a separate card for tourists. In case of violation, a foreigner can be deported and even detained with subsequent arrest.
In Myanmar, Internet coverage in the private sector is rather poorly developed. Internet access is provided through Internet cafes, content is regulated by the government. Access to a number of sites, blogs and pages on the Internet is severely restricted, as such information is recognized as anti-government. For tourists, it is always better to check this point with a travel agency or directly on the spot. Every traveler is required to familiarize himself with the full list of rules of conduct and good manners. The latter can cause a serious conflict if a foreigner shows disrespect for the shrines or traditions of the country. So, for example, when entering a house or temple, you should definitely take off your shoes, while trying not to show your feet to the public, which is an insult. In fairness, it should be noted that most of the restrictions are designed to secure visiting the country by foreigners.
History of Myanmar and the formation of traditions
The history of the state of Burma itself begins in 1948, when the country gained independence from Great Britain following the Second World War. In 1962, a socialist republic was formed under the control of the military and with close ties to the USSR. The state of Burma did not last long. A coup in 1988 returned the name Myanmar to the state and changed course towards political independence. Up until 2011, to a greater or lesser extent, the country was run by the military. In particular, the leader of Myanmar, who at that time was Senior General Than Shwe, was one of the initiators of the "special position" associated with censorship and tight control from the executive branch of government.
Population and mentality
The population of Myanmar (Burma) consists of two ethnic groups - Mons and Burmese. Now it is multi-ethnic and has over 100 nationalities. It is noteworthy that the Mons, who are called precisely the indigenous population of Burma, since the Burmese migrated to the country from China, make up no more than 2-2.5% of the current state of the country's ethnic group. Most of them were assimilated by the Burmese with a cross-cultural intersection of traditions. The total population is 51.5 million people.
The current leader of Myanmar proclaimed the openness of the state in relation to other nationalities and followers of various religions. Initially, the Bama were influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism. Today, the number of mosques and adherents of Islam is growing in the country, until the conflict in August-September 2017, when the Rohingya ethnic group, called illegal by the government, was persecuted. Buddhism remains the main religion in Burma. However, the population of Myanmar (Burma) is tolerant of various faiths. The official language of Burma is Burmese, with a number of dialects due not only to sectarian differences, but also to Mongol intervention in the past.
The religious center for Buddhists is the village of Pindaya, famous for its caves. Here, according to the followers of the Theravada Buddhist school, all significant services for Shan, and beliefs in general, have taken place over the past few decades. Several caves have been carved into the rock, but most of the complex is of natural origin. More than 8 thousand Buddha statues were hidden here, a golden mortar, extremely relevant for supporters of the confession.
Drug export and crime
Where Burma is located and what kind of country is hidden under this name left its mark on the development of the black market and criminal elements within the state. Myanmar has an extensive potential for smuggling via maritime routes, and many border areas are unguarded. On the territory of Burma itself, there are drug plantations where opium is grown. In the prevalence of this segment, Myanmar is second only to Afghanistan and honorably occupies one of the places of the Golden Triangle, a territorial region controlled by a number of criminal organizations that have been supplying drugs to the West since the beginning of the 20th century.
Due to the prevalence of narcotic drugs, as well as the market for their sale, crime is rampant in Myanmar. The most attractive areas for tourists are controlled by the police, and sometimes the regular army of Burma, but in most of the state there is a tendency to increase the number of crimes. One of the directions of the new government is openness, President Thin Kyaw abolished the special regime in the country and proclaimed the fight against crime.
Political system
At the moment, the post of President of Myanmar is occupied by Thin Kyaw, Prime Minister - Aung San Suu Kyi, her cabinet controls issues related to migrants. A quarter of the seats in the government remain with the military, but such closeness, which was characteristic of Burma earlier, is no longer there. Despite numerous sanctions from the West, the country is increasingly entering into trade agreements and participating on the world stage as a player.
The government of Myanmar is trying to neutralize the problem of the clash of ethnic groups within the country by reaching a compromise, however, according to the press and opinions of world-class politicians, the persecution of individual members of the society inside Myanmar continues. The state apparatus is located in the capital of Myanmar - Naypyidaw. This area is considered one of the most developed in the country.
Conflict in Myanmar: causes
Depending on the adherence to a particular confession, as well as the political course, there are several reasons for the conflict in Myanmar. Recall that in August-September 2017, a series of clashes took place in the state of Rakhine (Arakan), as a result of which representatives of the Rohingya suffered. In the CIS countries, adherents of Islam came out in support of their brethren in Burma. Directly, the government of Burma itself speaks with an emphasis on the illegal status of this ethnic group, calling the persecuted citizens refugees from Bangladesh. Adherents of Islam consider such inaction of the state apparatus to be criminal, and the reason for the clashes is the government's fear of a "new point of jihad."
The cause of the conflict in Myanmar is also considered the desire of politicians to radically change course and return to "market relations". There have even been speculations about foreign influence on the current state of affairs in Burma. Note that the current leader of the Foreign Ministry of Burma and Prime Minister Aung San Suu Kyi has the status of a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, as a result of which her inaction is subjected to numerous criticism from the opposition. The conflict in Myanmar escalated last year, when a wave of attacks on state institutions and border posts broke out in the state. Then the government introduced a regular army into the region. At the moment the conflict is in a passive state.
The third opinion regarding the causes of the conflict in Myanmar is due to the "Arakan massacre", during the historical period of the occupation of part of the country by Japan. In 1942, there was a mass clash between the Rohingya and the Burmese, supporting the interventionists. The locals supported the Japanese, while the Rohingya detachments were armed with British weapons and sided with the Allies. In view of this long-standing conflict, the contradictions between ethnic groups are still fresh. In the history of Myanmar, there are several precedents similar to the events of the current period, in 2012 and 2013.
Is Burma dangerous for tourists?
When visiting the most developed and civilized centers of the country - no. Those areas where the conflict develops most acutely are restricted to visits and controlled by troops, as a result of which it is difficult to penetrate into their territory. Subject to the moral norms of society and moderate behavior, the Burmese will seem to the tourist friendly and benevolent people. In terms of attractiveness as a recreational center, Myanmar occupies a fairly high position. Otherwise, the territory of the state remains developed at the level of the countries of the "third world" and rather poor.
Developed crime still has a serious impact on Myanmar, since the distribution channels for opium are dictated by the mass supply and secrecy. There is no direct threat to the life of a tourist, however, when traveling to Burma, one should follow the instructions of the agency and limit oneself to a number of places open for viewing.
So, where is Burma, and what kind of country is so closed to society? Myanmar remains one of the most colorful states in Asia, as it combines many cultural heritages from different ethnic groups. Unfortunately, this is the reason for constant conflicts on the territory of the country and clashes based on differences in religious views. As a recreational country, Myanmar is popular and can offer foreigners a wide range of holiday destinations, but as an economic agent and political player of the former British colony, there is still a long way to go.
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List of Prime Ministers of Myanmar (Burma) (1948-present)
| # | Name | Years of life | Start | End | Political Party |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Burmese Union | |||||
| 1 | U Nu (First term) |
1907-1995 | January 4, 1948 | June 12, 1956 | Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League |
| 2 | U Ba Swe | 1915-1987 | June 12, 1956 | March 1, 1957 | Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League |
| (1 ) | U Nu |
1907-1995 | March 1, 1957 | October 29, 1958 | Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League |
| 3 | Wu Ne Win |
1911-2002 | October 29, 1958 | April 4, 1960 | Military |
| (1 ) | U Nu |
1907-1995 | April 4, 1960 | March 2, 1962 | Union Party |
| (3 ) | Not Win |
1911-2002 | March 2, 1962 | March 4, 1974 | Military (1962-1972) Burmese Socialist Program Party (1972-1974) |
| Socialist Republic of Burma Union | |||||
| 4 | Sein Win | 1919-1993 | March 4, 1974 | March 29, 1977 | Military/Burmese Socialist Program Party |
| 5 | maun maun kha | 1920-1995 | March 29, 1977 | July 26, 1988 | Military/Burmese Socialist Program Party |
| 6 | thun tin | 1930- | July 26, 1988 | September 18, 1988 | Military/Burmese Socialist Program Party |
| 7 | So Maung | 1928-1997 | September 21, 1988 | September 23, 1988 | Military |
| Union of Burma | |||||
| So Maung | 1928-1997 | September 23, 1988 | June 18, 1989 | Military | |
| Union of Myanmar | |||||
| So Maung | 1928-1997 | June 18, 1989 | April 23, 1992 | Military | |
| 8 | Tan Shwe | 1933- | April 23, 1992 | August 25, 2003 | Military |
| 9 | Khin Nyun | 1939- | August 25, 2003 | October 18, 2004 | Military |
| 10 | Seo Win | 1949-2007 | October 19, 2004 | October 12, 2007 |
Military |
| 11 | Thein Sein | 1945- | October 12, 2007 | October 21, 2010 | Military /Solidarity and Development Party |
| Republic of the Union of Myanmar | |||||
| Thein Sein | 1945- | October 21, 2010 | March 30, 2011 | Military /Solidarity and Development Party | |
see also
- Myanmar
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Notes
The second princess had just left the patient's room with tearful eyes and sat down beside Dr. Lorrain, who was sitting in a graceful pose under the portrait of Catherine, leaning on the table.
“Tres beau,” said the doctor, answering a question about the weather, “tres beau, princesse, et puis, a Moscou on se croit a la campagne.” [beautiful weather, princess, and then Moscow looks so much like a village.]
- N "est ce pas? [Isn't it?] - said the princess, sighing. - So can he drink?
Lorren considered.
Did he take medicine?
- Yes.
The doctor looked at the breguet.
- Take a glass of boiled water and put une pincee (he showed with his thin fingers what une pincee means) de cremortartari ... [a pinch of cremortartar ...]
- Do not drink, listen, - the German doctor said to the adjutant, - that the shiv remained from the third blow.
And what a fresh man he was! the adjutant said. And who will this wealth go to? he added in a whisper.
“The farmer will be found,” the German replied, smiling.
Everyone again looked at the door: it creaked, and the second princess, having made the drink shown by Lorrain, carried it to the patient. The German doctor approached Lorrain.
"Maybe it'll make it to tomorrow morning, too?" the German asked, speaking badly in French.
Lorren, pursing his lips, sternly and negatively waved his finger in front of his nose.
“Tonight, not later,” he said quietly, with a decent smile of self-satisfaction in that he clearly knows how to understand and express the situation of the patient, and walked away.
Meanwhile, Prince Vasily opened the door to the princess's room.
The room was semi-dark; only two lamps were burning in front of the images, and there was a good smell of smoke and flowers. The whole room was set with small furniture of chiffonieres, cupboards, tables. From behind the screens one could see the white bedspreads of a high feather bed. The dog barked.
“Ah, is that you, mon cousin?”
She got up and straightened her hair, which she always, even now, was so unusually smooth, as if it had been made from one piece with her head and covered with varnish.
- What, something happened? she asked. - I'm already so scared.
- Nothing, everything is the same; I just came to talk to you, Katish, about business, - the prince said, wearily sitting down on the chair from which she got up. “How hot you are, however,” he said, “well, sit down here, causons. [talk.]
“I thought, did something happen? - said the princess, and with her unchanging, stonyly stern expression, sat down opposite the prince, preparing to listen.
“I wanted to sleep, mon cousin, but I can’t.
- Well, what, my dear? - said Prince Vasily, taking the hand of the princess and bending it down according to his habit.
It was evident that this "well, what" referred to many things that, without naming, they understood both.
The princess, with her incongruously long legs, dry and straight waist, looked directly and impassively at the prince with bulging gray eyes. She shook her head and sighed as she looked at the icons. Her gesture could be explained both as an expression of sadness and devotion, and as an expression of fatigue and hope for a quick rest. Prince Vasily explained this gesture as an expression of fatigue.
Gleb Alexandrovich Ivashentsov,
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia,
member of the Russian International Affairs Council,
especially for RISI
On March 30, the new President of Myanmar (former Burma) Ttin Kyaw, the first civilian president of the country since the 1962 military coup, took the oath. Thin Kyaw is a representative of the former opposition People's League for Democracy (NLD) party, which is led by the daughter of the national hero of Burma, General Aung San, the "democratic icon of Myanmar" and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest for a long time under the military regime. Aung San Suu Kyi herself, despite her popularity, is deprived of the opportunity to become president, since her two sons are British subjects, and the Constitution of Myanmar prohibits persons with close foreign relatives from holding the post of head of state.
Under these conditions, the winning party had only one way out - to appoint a "trusted president", whose activities, according to the definition of the NLD, would be directed by Aung San Suu Kyi. Such an appointee at the choice of the party leader was her childhood friend, 70-year-old Thin Kyaw.
Are the soldiers leaving?
Before our eyes, a peculiar model of governance is emerging in Myanmar, taking into account both the principles of Western democracy and the role of the army in the life of the country over the past decades. According to the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar adopted in 2008, in the bicameral All-Union Parliament and 14 regional legislative assemblies, 25% of the seats are reserved for representatives of the army, who vote as a single block on the orders of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Simultaneously with the taking of the oath as the President of Myanmar by Thin Kyaw, the post of the first vice-president of the country was taken by a representative of the military faction, Lieutenant General Myin Skhwei. The NLD Council of Nationalities MP Henry Van Thio, a native of Chin State and a Christian by religion, became the second vice-president, whose nomination for the post of vice-president should confirm the line of the NLD on interaction with the country's ethnic and religious minorities. According to the 2008 Constitution, the commander-in-chief appoints three power ministers - defense, internal affairs and border protection. In the National Defense and Security Council, which is formally chaired by the president, six of the 11 members are representatives of the army.
The role of the army in the life of Myanmar
The significant role of the army in the life of Myanmar is determined by a number of circumstances. The main one is that by the time Burma gained independence from Great Britain in 1948, in this country, unlike, say, India, there was essentially no national civilian political elite capable of taking control of the state. On the one hand, the British colonial authorities maximally limited the admission of ethnic Burmese to the service in power structures. On the other hand, there were no ethnic Burmese even among the more or less influential entrepreneurs of colonial Burma: big business was in the hands of the British, medium and small - Indians and Chinese. At the same time, during the years of the Second World War, powerful armed forces were formed in Burma, which were initially headed by young, patriotic and well-educated people. Therefore, the army has historically acted in Burma as the main bearer of the national idea.
The army also prevented the country from sliding into anarchy twice in the history of independent Burma. This happened for the first time at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s, when the first constitutional government of multi-ethnic Burma, headed by the Buddhist democrat U Nu, could not cope with separatist rebellions on the national outskirts, the economic crisis and rampant corruption, and the collapse of the country General Ne Win, who in 1962 established the regime of his personal power, prevented it by harsh military methods.
For the second time, the army decided the fate of the country in 1988, when the spontaneous popular uprisings against political oppression and Ne Win’s experiments in building “Burmese socialism” were intervened by felons released from prisons who engaged in robberies and excesses, and the civil opposition corroded by gangs turned out to be powerless to curb them.
Having restored order in the country, the "new military junta" attempted to return to a democratic form of government. In 1990, its supreme body, the State Law and Order Council, held multi-party elections. The generals, however, underestimated the degree of popular dissatisfaction with the rule of the military and, hoping to continue to remain at the helm, did not prepare in advance a new constitution that would determine the ways and functions of the future government. When the opposition NLD won the overwhelming majority in the elections, which in practice represented a collection of all the former small democratic groups united only by their rejection of the military regime, the authorities, not wanting a repeat of the anarchy of 1988, refused to recognize the election results.
Long road to "perestroika" in Myanmar
Myanmar's generals have long studied the experience of their neighbors, primarily in Thailand and Indonesia, in the transition from an authoritarian to a more liberal form of government. For twenty years, a new constitution was being developed that would open the way to multi-party elections, while retaining control over the development of the political process, called the "disciplined prosperous democracy" by the Yangon strategists. This constitution was submitted to a popular referendum in 2008, which was approved by more than 92% of the electorate.
In November 2010, general parliamentary elections were held in the country, and iconic opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi was released from years of house arrest. During the first session of the All-Union Parliament in January-February 2011, the heads of legislative, executive and judicial structures were elected. The head of the military regime, Senior General Than Shwe, resigned, and his successor as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Min Aung Hlein, the Minister of Defense and other military leaders took a subordinate position to the new formally civilian leaders and no longer “crushed” the new power structure.
Many in Myanmar and abroad expected that the new government would simply be a civilian version of the former regime. But the then-president of the country, Thein Sein, a former military man, immediately embarked on sweeping political and economic reforms that no one could have imagined for 50 years.
Why did the military leadership take such drastic steps? Undoubtedly, the sanctions that, after the non-recognition of the results of the 1990 elections, were announced by the West to the military regime of Myanmar, had a certain significance. But I think the main reason was that the 2008 constitution guaranteed military control over the situation in the country. The civil opposition and ethnic minorities got the opportunity to have their say in politics, and private business in the economy, but at the same time, all the former power and control structures were preserved. Undoubtedly, the personal qualities of such leaders as Than Shwe, Thein Sein and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Min Aung Hlein, their conviction in the need and inevitability of changes in order to bring Myanmar out of isolation, to ensure economic recovery, to a large extent through the development of civil initiative, and to remove the confrontation from the West. The five years between the 2010 and 2015 elections became a kind of trial period.
The parliamentary elections of 2015 and the presidential elections of 2016 marked a profound turning point in Myanmar's development. There are essentially two centers of power in the new government - representatives of the former democratic opposition, led by the cult leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and people from the former military elite, who suppressed this opposition for decades. The solution of the problems facing the country depends on the extent to which the NLD, intoxicated by electoral successes, but having neither administrative experience nor qualified personnel, will be able to build interaction with the military, who have both experience and personnel. How will President Thin Kyaw, who has never been a public politician and who took the post of head of state only because he was a school friend of Aung San Suu Kyi, dispose of her powers, and, finally, how will Aung San Suu Kyi herself, by her own definition, “worth over the President.
Already today, only at the initial stage of "perestroika", there is an aggravation of ethnic and social conflicts. Serious armed clashes are taking place in the Shan and Kachin states, which could undermine the very fragile process of reconciliation between the center and ethnic movements on the fringes. If, under the current democratization conditions, ethnic movements demand concessions from the central government, and NLD representatives in this government declare their readiness to make concessions, how will the military respond?
The Muslim question is also becoming very topical in Myanmar. And it is not only a matter of tense relations between the Buddhist majority of the population of Rakhine state and the Muslim communities of the Rohingya in the Rakhine districts bordering Bangladesh. In recent years, there has been an upsurge of a kind of Buddhist nationalism throughout Myanmar, fueled to some extent by the military regime. The most radical organization of Buddhist nationalists, the so-called Buddhist Association for the Defense of Race and Religion, demands legislative restrictions on the rights of Muslims. How will the NLD respond to this, emphasizing its tolerance in every possible way?
The situation with the production of drugs also causes serious concern. Shan State accounts for 91% of opium poppy cultivation in Southeast Asia's Golden Triangle. The former military regime ensured a steady decline in opium production in Myanmar at the end of the 20th - beginning of the 21st century - the area occupied by poppy in Myanmar decreased from 160 thousand to 44 thousand hectares from 1996 to 2004. Recently, however, there has been a resurgence in both poppy area - up to 55,000 hectares in 2015, and opium production: if in 2004 370 tons of opium were produced in Myanmar, then in 2015 - 730 tons. The weakening of the control of law enforcement agencies over the situation in the context of the transition to civilian rule undoubtedly played a role.
As for foreign policy, the factor that works in favor of the new government is that none of the external forces - neither China, nor ASEAN partners, nor the West - want Myanmar to become another hotbed of international tension. At the same time, the new government should build its line in international affairs in such a way that reconciliation with the West, which is aimed by the NLD, does not arouse any suspicion on the part of China, Myanmar's main economic partner, with which the former military regime had almost allied relations. .
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RUSSIAN-MYANMAR RELATIONS
Diplomatic relations between the USSR and Burma (the former name of Myanmar) were established on February 18, 1948. The Soviet Union provided this country with significant technical and material assistance. In particular, a technological institute and a hotel were built in Yangon, as well as a hospital in Taunggyi. In 1955 and in 1960 N.S. Khrushchev visited Myanmar. Since the 1970s Bilateral ties did not differ in activity.
In December 1991, Myanmar recognized Russia as the successor state of the USSR. A notable event in Russian-Myanmar relations was the official visit to Russia by the Deputy Chairman of the State Council for Peace and Development of Myanmar in 2006.
On May 19, 2016, on the sidelines of the anniversary Russia-ASEAN summit in Sochi, President Vladimir Putin had a conversation with President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (RUM) Thin Kyaw, during which the parties stated their interest in further promoting the entire range of bilateral relations.
Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev met with President of Myanmar Thein Sein on the sidelines of the East Asia Summits in November 2014 (Neypyidaw) and in November 2015 (Kuala Lumpur).
In June 2015, within the framework of the working visit to Russia of RUM Vice-President Nyan Tong, he organized negotiations with the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation N.P. Patrushev, Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation A.V. trade.
In February 2012, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Myanmar paid a working visit to Russia. In January 2013, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia Sergey Lavrov visited Naypyidaw. In July 2016, on the sidelines of ASEAN ministerial events in Vientiane, Sergei Lavrov met with the State Counsellor, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi. Inter-MFA consultations are being held at the level of deputy heads of foreign affairs agencies; the next round was held in June 2015 in Moscow.
In November 2017, on the sidelines of the 13th meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the ASEM Forum in Naypyidaw, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Igor Morgulov had a conversation with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RSM Zhuo Ting.
Ties and delegation exchanges along the military line are actively developing. During the official visit of the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation Sergei Shoigu to Naypyidaw in January 2018, an intergovernmental agreement was signed on a simplified procedure for the entry of warships into the ports of Russia and Myanmar. In June 2017, the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces Min Aung Khlein was in Russia, who held talks in Moscow with S.K. Shoigu and Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation N.P. Patrushev. RSM Deputy Minister of Defense Myin Nwe took part in the 6th Moscow Conference on International Security (April 2017), Air Force Commander Khin Aung Myin led the Myanmar military delegation at the MAKS-2017 International Aviation and Space Salon (July), Chief of Staff Land Forces Mou Myin Thun - at the International Military-Technical Forum "ARMY-2017".
In December 2017, a friendly visit to the port of Tilawa (Yangon) was made by a detachment of warships of the Pacific Fleet as part of the BOD "Admiral Panteleev" and the large sea tanker "Boris Butoma".
Bilateral cooperation is intensifying in the field of combating new challenges and threats through the Security Council of the Russian Federation and the Office of the National Security Adviser of the Government of the RSM, formed in January 2017. Myanmar National Security Adviser Taung Tun visited Moscow in March 2017 and held talks with Secretary of the Security Council N.P. Patrushev. He also headed the Myanmar delegations that participated in the VIII and IX international meetings of high representatives in charge of security issues (Zavidovo, May 2017; Sochi, April 2018), during which his contacts with the leadership of the Russian Security Council and specialized Russian departments. On April 27, 2018, Taun Tun had a conversation with Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs I.V. Morgulov.
Steps are being taken in the area of inter-parliamentary relations. On July 25-27, 2018, a delegation of the deputy group of the State Duma of the Russian Federation for relations with the parliaments of Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, headed by A. Chepa, visited Myanmar. Meetings were held with the leadership of the committees on international affairs of both chambers of the Union Parliament, the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, Senior General Min Aung Hlain, and the Minister of International Cooperation, Kyaw Tin. During the talks, the Myanmar partners outlined plans to create a parliamentary cooperation group with Russia, confirmed their interest in intensifying ties between the relevant committees of the legislative assemblies of the two countries and expanding bilateral cooperation within the framework of international inter-parliamentary organizations.
The legal base of bilateral relations is being improved. In 2017, an intergovernmental agreement was signed on the establishment of a trade mission of the Russian Federation in Yangon and a memorandum of understanding between the Russian Ministry of Communications and the Ministry of Information of Myanmar on cooperation in the field of mass communications.
In September 2017, the 2nd meeting of the Russian-Myanmar Intergovernmental Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation was held in Moscow under the chairmanship of the Minister of Economic Development of the Russian Federation M.S.Oreshkin and the Minister of Planning and Finance of the RSM Kyaw Win.
According to the Federal Customs Service of Russia, the volume of trade with Myanmar in 2017 amounted to 216.7 million US dollars (a decrease of 16.1% compared to 2016). Export of Russian goods to RSM - 167.3 million dollars (+ 42.8%), import from Myanmar - 49.3 million dollars (-61%). The range of Russian deliveries to Myanmar includes machinery, equipment and vehicles (65.4%), metals and metal products (3.6%), chemical industry products (3.4%), mineral products (2.5%). The main import items from Myanmar are textiles and textile products (71%), food and agricultural raw materials (23.4%).
The amount of accumulated Russian investments in the economy of Myanmar is 94 million US dollars, of which 38.3 million are accounted for by Bashneft, which operates under a production sharing agreement signed in 2014 with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Corporation on the EP mainland block -4.
In May 2018, the 2nd meeting of the Russian-Myanmar working group on cooperation in the field of the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes was held in Yangon through the State Corporation Rosatom. Russian participation in the creation of nuclear infrastructure in Myanmar, the development of nuclear medicine, the construction of research nuclear reactors and charged particle accelerators are identified as promising areas for establishing cooperation.
An important project of bilateral cooperation is the construction of an iron-smelting plant in the city of Pangpet with the participation of JSC VO Tyazhpromexport. After the suspension of work in 2017, the parties are taking measures to complete its construction and put it into operation at the end of 2019, subject to the resumption of financing by the Myanmar side of the work in its area of responsibility.
In order to expand contacts between the business circles of the two countries in July this year. a memorandum of cooperation was signed between the Roscongress Foundation and the Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry.
The Russian side is assisting in the modernization of the hospital built by Soviet specialists in 1961 in the town of Taundji. In December 2017, a memorandum was signed in Yangon on financing Russia's contribution to the budget of the UN Office for Project Services for the preparation of a feasibility study for the relevant work.
In the field of education, the leading technical universities of Russia are training engineering, scientific and military personnel from the RSM on a contract basis. In 2017, more than 200 Myanmarese were sent to Russia through this line.
For education at the expense of the federal budget of Myanmar, 7 scholarships were allocated for the 2018/2019 academic year (a year earlier - 4). Among Myanmar youth, there is a steady interest in studying in our country (more than 40 applications have been submitted to the portal of the Russian Ministry of Education and Science).
Within the framework of cooperation in the field of healthcare in 2017, three groups of doctors from the RSM (more than 20 specialists in total) participated in scientific, practical and training seminars organized by the Russian Ministry of Health. In February 2018, the Russian companies Radiotherapy Technologies (Moscow) and OKB RITM CJSC (Taganrog) held practical seminars and a presentation of medical diagnostic and treatment equipment at the Military Hospital No. 2 in Yangon.
In November 2017, specialists from the RSM Ministry of Health took part in a meeting organized under the auspices of Rospotrebnadzor of senior officials and public experts of the countries participating in the East Asia Summit (EAS) on cooperation in the fight against infectious diseases. The issue of signing a bilateral memorandum of cooperation in the field of ensuring sanitary and epidemiological well-being is being worked out.
The total number of Russian tourists who visited Myanmar in 2017 was about 4.5 thousand people. In March 2018, several major Myanmar travel companies took part in the 25th Moscow International Travel and Tourism Exhibition.
Positive dynamics is demonstrated by bilateral cooperation in the field of culture and art. In May 2017, as part of the international program of the St. Petersburg House of Music "Embassy of Musical Excellence", Russian musicians visited Yangon, who gave a concert on the stage of the National Theater and held a master class for students of the University of Culture and Arts. In February 2018, under the auspices of the Society for Friendship and Cooperation with the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (SFDSM), performances by Russian singers and dancers were organized in a number of Myanmar cities, timed to coincide with the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Russia and Myanmar.
In December 2017, the delegation of the State Museum of Oriental Arts held meetings with the leadership of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture and a number of RSM museums, during which issues of establishing bilateral contacts and exchange of experience were discussed.
In April, an agreement on cooperation was signed between the All-Russian Children's Center "Ocean" (Vladivostok) and the Association of Teachers of Private Schools in Yangon. In July-August 2018, the first group of 15 Myanmar schoolchildren is planned to travel to a children's recreation camp in the Far East.
ODRM is active. In February 2017, during his visit to Myanmar, the President of the Society M.A. Dmitriev met with the State Counselor, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RSM Aung San Suu Kyi. The prospects for intensifying contacts between NGOs and citizens of the two countries, as well as forging cooperation with the Myanmar-Russian Friendship Association were discussed.
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REPUBLIC OF THE UNION OF MYANMAR
General information. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar is located in Southeast Asia, on the Indochinese Peninsula, borders on Bangladesh, India, China, Laos and Thailand, in the southwest it is washed by the Bay of Bengal, in the south by the Andaman Sea. Territory - 677 thousand square meters. km.
The climate is monsoonal, tropical, with two seasons: rainy (June-October) and dry, divided into cool (November-February) and hot (March-May) periods.
Population - 52.4 million people. (about 70% are Burmese, the rest are Shans, Karens, Kachins, Chins, Mons, Arakans, representatives of other small nationalities, as well as immigrants from China, India and other countries, in total - 135 nationalities).
The administrative capital is the city of Naypyidaw (population - 1.2 million people). The largest city and trade and economic center is Yangon (more than 6 million people). The country is divided into 7 administrative and 7 national regions.
The official language is Burmese (the name "Myanmar" has also been used recently).
The main religion is Buddhism (professed by 89.4% of the population); there are Christian (4.9%), Muslim (3.9%) and Hindu communities (0.5%).
The national currency is kyat (zha). At the official exchange rate around 1,400 kyat - 1 USD (August 2018).
Brief historical overview. The first major Burmese state arose in the 11th century. with the center in Pagan in the central part of the country. From 1886 to 1948 Burma was a British colony (occupied by Japan in 1942-1945). January 4, 1948 proclaimed an independent state (Union of Burma). The period of parliamentary democracy (1948-1962) was interrupted in March 1962 by a military coup and the establishment of a one-party "socialist" regime. In the context of an acute domestic political crisis in September 1988, the military again came to power in the country, proclaiming a course of market reforms and a smooth transition to democracy. In May 2008, the constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar was adopted in a general referendum. Following the results of the first parliamentary elections in 2010, which were boycotted by the opposition, political forces close to the military circles won. In November 2015, elections were held for the second convocation of parliament, in which the leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy, led by its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, won the majority of seats.
State structure. The head of state is the president (Vin Myin), who, along with two vice-presidents, is elected by parliament; the actual head of the government is the Councilor of State (Aung San Suu Kyi). The bicameral Union Parliament consists of the Assembly of Nationalities (Chairman - Ma Win Khine Tan) and the Assembly of People's Representatives (Chairman - T. Khun Mya); Legislative acts are approved at joint sessions of both chambers. In accordance with the constitution, the leadership of the armed forces, represented by the Commander-in-Chief (Senior General Min Aung Hlein), appoints the heads of three ministries (defence, internal and border affairs) and military deputies, for whom a quarter of the seats in the Union Parliament and fourteen regional legislative assemblies are reserved. The highest judicial body is the Supreme Court (chairman - Thun Thun U).
Economy. Myanmar has rich natural resources: timber, mineral and ore minerals (copper, zinc, tin, tungsten, antimony, gold, silver, jade, rubies, sapphires), oil (proven reserves - 206.9 million barrels), gas - 350 -400 bcm m), significant water resources, fish and seafood (the possibility of their production is estimated at 1.1 million tons per year).
The volume of GDP in 2017 is 66.5 billion US dollars, per capita is about 1264 US dollars (according to purchasing power parity). The total volume of declared foreign investments is more than 76 billion dollars. The economic growth rate in 2017 is 6.7% (in 2016 - 5.9%), the inflation rate is 7%, the budget deficit is about 3.5% of GDP, external debt - about 10 billion US dollars, the amount of gold and foreign exchange reserves - 9.4 billion dollars. Average life expectancy - 61 years.
The main branch of Myanmar's economy is agriculture, which employs up to 70% of the working population and produces about 36% of GDP. Industry accounts for 26% of GDP.
At the end of 2017, the volume of foreign trade amounted to 29.1 billion US dollars (exports - 11.9 billion dollars, imports - 17.2 billion dollars). The main export items are gas, rice, legumes, seafood, timber (primarily teak), garments, precious and semi-precious stones; imports - consumer goods, machinery and equipment, metals, edible oils, cement, fertilizers, medicines. Leading foreign trade partners are China, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Japan and India.
Domestic policy. The country's government is carrying out political and socio-economic reforms aimed at the democratization of public life and the development of a market economy. Among the leading domestic political priorities of the current government is the settlement of the crisis in the Rakhine national region and the development of a peace process with ethnic armed groups based in the border areas in the north and east of the country.
Foreign policy. Due to its location, Myanmar is at the crossroads of the strategic interests of the regional "poles of power" - the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China and India. The main vector of Myanmar's foreign policy is the development of ties within ASEAN. Naypyidaw strives to maintain the most balanced relationship with its neighbors and the world's leading powers.
April 9th, 2016 01:36 pm
Not about Korea, but about another country in East Asia, where there are big changes - Myanmar (Burma). To my great regret, our newspaper did not consider an interesting story about the new leader of the country worthy of publication - therefore I will put it up at least at my place. Many thanks to the person who told about all this - Peter Kozma. In general, he knows about Myanmar, if not everything, then very, very much ... And he knows how to tell interesting things. Here is his LiveJournal, by the way... http://dragon-naga.livejournal.com - there are a lot of interesting things about Myanmar, I advise you to read at least to broaden your horizons... 
Below is the text of the interview. Photo inserted just to break up the rather voluminous text, taken in Myanmar in April and December 2016 (photo from Naypyidaw and Yangon)
The new president of Myanmar: soft, educated and without ambition
Russian expert spoke about the new leader of Myanmar
Oleg Kiryanov (Seoul - Yangon)
On March 30, the inauguration of a new president took place in Myanmar. After decades of military rule, the country has its first civilian president. Thus, in this one of the largest countries in Southeast Asia, there was a peaceful transfer of power from the military to the democratic opposition. It is noteworthy that the well-known, "promoted" Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has close ties with the West, did not become the president of the country, but rather a modest politician, 69-year-old Thin Kyaw, took the post of No. 1 instead. Why did it happen? Who is the new President of Myanmar? Will he be able to conduct an independent policy and who is behind him? To these and some other questions, on which the future of Myanmar largely depends, we asked the well-known specialist in this country, orientalist Peter Kozma, to answer. The expert has been living in Myanmar for many years, he is personally acquainted with many local politicians, military men, journalists and closely monitors the situation in the region.
Let's start not with the new president, but with the "mother of Burmese democracy" Aung San Suu Kyi. Still, she is the leader of the opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), she enjoys impeccable authority, the citizens of Myanmar voted first of all for her in the elections, but she did not take the presidency. Why?
Petr Kozma: It was clear in advance that she would not become president. Section III of the Constitution of the country, adopted back in May 2008, under the previous military regime, contains Article 59, which contains qualifications for the president and vice-presidents of the country. According to paragraph “f” of this article, the candidate for these positions “neither himself, nor any of his parents, nor his spouse, nor any of his legitimate children or their spouses, shall not swear allegiance to a foreign authority, be a subject of a foreign authority or a citizen foreign state. They should not be persons endowed with the rights and privileges of a subject of a foreign government or a citizen of a foreign state. As you know, Aung San Suu Kyi had a British husband (but, as the lawyers explain, since he died, the fact of this marriage is no longer subject to paragraph “f” of Article 59 of the Constitution), and her two children are citizens of Great Britain. This does not allow her to be president.
She did not try to "negotiate" with the military? She has a lot of influence and authority...
Kozma: Of course I tried ... Since November 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi herself (having met three times with the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, senior general Min Aung Hlein) and through intermediaries (the most active of which was a retired general and chairman of the former parliament Tura Shwe Man) tried agree with the military that this article of the Constitution be repealed. The role of the military in this case is key, because, according to the Constitution, 25% of parliamentary mandates are reserved for them, and, according to Article 436 of the Basic Law, an amendment to Article 59 can only be adopted if at least 75% of MPs vote for it ( after which a nationwide referendum must be held, where the amendment must be approved by a majority vote of the country's residents included in the voter lists).
Negotiations with the military ended in vain: the military refused to touch the Constitution, fearing, among other things, that the first attempt at adopting an amendment would trigger an avalanche of similar initiatives, which would be much more difficult to resist. Moreover, when a number of NLD lawyers stated that they had found a loophole and proposed not to repeal Article 59 (f), but to temporarily suspend its operation (in their opinion, a vote by a simple majority of members of Parliament would be enough in this case), the military strongly reminded that , according to Article 20(f), it is the country's armed forces that are the main guarantor of the observance of the constitution.
As a compromise, voiced by the information minister of the outgoing government, former military Ye Thut, it was proposed not to touch the Constitution, but to advise Aung San Suu Kyi to talk to his sons so that they take Myanmar citizenship. Aung San Suu Kyi did not formally reject this proposal, although it is clear that the process of granting citizenship is a rather lengthy procedure, and, of course, she does not have time for the presidential election. Thus, if Aung San Suu Kyi ever becomes president, it won't be now. Amending the Constitution (even if she manages to negotiate with the military) is a long procedure, the change of citizenship by her sons will also take a lot of time.
It turns out that she is the main influential figure, and all the rest of her entourage, including even the current president Tin Zhuo, cannot compare with her?
Kozma: In reality, this is exactly the case. She completely controls the president and, as it seems, he will continue to be such a “controlled figure”. She carefully selected the candidacy of the future formal leader of the country, the choice fell on Tkhin Zhuo.
Why on him?
Kozma: The search for a candidate for a “decorative” president turned out to be not as simple as it seems at first glance. Too many criteria this person had to meet at the same time.
First, it must be a person without personal ambitions and completely devoted to Aung San Suu Kyi. But even a “full vegetable” is not suitable for this position. The military has already stated that they will not carry out the orders of "it is not clear who", especially a person who will be manipulated by someone from the outside.
Hence the second criterion: it must still be a person who, despite the lack of power ambitions (even potential ones), would be something of himself. At the very least, he had to have an excellent education and good manners, have a high level of culture, demonstrate his talents in some intellectual field, and speak good English. Plus, he must inspire respect with his appearance - if not with a military bearing, then with the charisma of an educated intellectual.
And there was another important point: Myanmar politicians usually have complexes when they are photographed with some European colleagues. If at ASEAN meetings they are all about the same height, then next to many representatives of the West, the Myanmar people look too short. By the way, there is a special instruction for the local official photojournalists: to photograph tall guests with their Myanmar interlocutors only when everyone is already seated in their chairs. Therefore, the election of a high president, who, moreover, would not be ashamed to present to the rest of the world as a cultural intellectual - such would be a worthy "super task" for Myanmar, which is tired of poorly educated generals with the appearance of provincial accountants or collective farm chairmen. That is, the “decorativeness” of the president was supposed to compensate for his intellect, good manners, tall stature and imposing appearance. Thin Zhuo is quite tall for a Myanmarese - at least 6 feet (that is, 183 centimeters), according to people who know him.
Thirdly, this president must be hand and foot connected with the NLD and owe everything to it. That is, a theoretical break with the NLD (that is, in fact, with Aung San Suu Kyi) should be fraught with loss of face and reputation for him.
That is why, by the way, another of the candidates under consideration was clearly not suitable for the post of president - Dr. Tin Myo Win, who for many years was the personal doctor of Aung San Suu Kyi. With a dissident past and all his fame as a public figure in the democratic camp, he was too independent and self-sufficient for Aung San Suu Kyi - in other words, he had no strings to pull on to control him. And Aung San Suu Kyi’s frank distrust and suspicious attitude towards nationally famous independent politicians of the democratic camp was very clearly manifested during the formation of the NLD list for nomination by territorial constituencies for parliamentary elections - practically not a single such figure, formally not tied to the NLD, is included in the list. was not.
There was another danger that was actively discussed by the Myanmar press. The fact is that even if the president is a person without ambition, his position is still the center of power, around which a certain group of people will inevitably consolidate - the president in his work cannot do without experts, advisers and consultants. This means that sooner or later there will be a kind of "collective president" when the king begins to "play" his environment, which, by definition, will be ambitious and tenacious people. This “collective president”, if he quietly gains hardware power and influence, may one day “absorb” not only the formal figure of the head of state, but also become a center of power independent of Aung San Suu Kyi. That is why the leader of the NLD as head of state required not only a person personally devoted to it, but also an experienced managerial bureaucrat who would not allow others to play with his name and would nip the idea of such a “collective president” in the bud. With all these factors in mind, at some point for Aung San Suu Kyi, all the stars agreed on a candidate named Thin Kyaw. 
Some Western media stated that "Aung San Suu Kyi nominated her driver for the presidency of the country." Is this true?
Kozma: If every person who gives you a ride in their car is your driver, then yes. Thin Kyaw really took Aung San Suu Kyi through her hard times. But you need to understand that with her fame, she would have no problem finding a professional driver from among her supporters who would be ready to work for her for free. Thin Zhuo got behind the wheel of a car with Aung San Suu Kyi, because he believed that if he was next to her, then in which case he would help her avoid unpleasant incidents.
And the negative reaction of the Myanmar people to the headlines that “Aung San Suu Kyi nominated her driver for the presidency”, in my opinion, is due to the fact that Thin Kyaw, before his nomination in Myanmar, was practically unknown even in the party - not to mention the whole country. All information about his human and intellectual qualities comes from Aung San Suu Kyi, whom many Myanmar people fanatically believe, and react very painfully to someone's attempts to doubt the correctness of her words and actions - very often they even show aggression. That is, the hint that the president is an ordinary driver was perceived as a personal attack on Aung San Suu Kyi, because Thin Kyaw is her personal choice.
By the way, I saw on Facebook how Myanmarese studying in Russia and knowing Russian were discussing the headline of an article in one of the leading Russian newspapers - “Driver for Burma”. It is clear that they did not feel the second meaning of this Russian phrase, and in its literal sound, it seemed to them insulting towards their country and its leader.
How do Thin Zhuo and Aung San Suu Kyi know each other?
Kozma: Thin Kyaw is a year younger than Aung San Suu Kyi. Their fathers also maintained friendly relations, and therefore he is well acquainted with the leader of the NLD from his school years. You can say that they are friends, if it is possible in politics and with such a difference in influence. They studied together at the prestigious English Methodist School (now it is secondary school No. 1 in the central Yangon district of Dagon). Although Thin Kyaw was two grades younger than Aung San Suu Kyi, they have been friends since their school years - that is, their good relationship has lasted for more than half a century. As a result, today he is one of the most trusted long-term friends of Aung San Suu Kyi, while he never “pulled the blanket over himself” and did not try not to be in the spotlight.
The degree of Aung San Suu Kyi's confidence in him is evidenced by the fact that Thin Kyaw heads a charitable foundation named after the mother of the NLD leader Khin Kyi, the wife of General Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi - approx. "RG").
You said that Thin Kyaw's father and Aung San Suu Kyi's father were friends, which largely determined the friendship of the two current politicians. A few words about the president's father, please.
Kozma: Father Thin Zhuo - famous writer, poet and public figure Wu Wun (1909-2004). He entered the history of literature under the name of Ming Tu Wun. Among the ancestors of Ming Tu Wun (born in the territory of the present state of Mon) were Mons and Burmese, so we can say that his son Thin Kyaw also has a lot of Mon blood. Min Tu Wun is a graduate of Rangoon University (1935) and the University of Oxford (1939). After returning from the UK at Rangoon University, he met and became friends with student leader Aung San, the future national hero of Burma and father of Aung San Suu Kyi. In 1990, Ming Tu Wun, already a patriarch of the democratic camp, a well-known writer and public figure, was elected a member of parliament from the National League for Democracy (as is known, the military authorities refused to transfer power to the NLD that won the elections and prevented the work of the newly elected parliament). After that, his works and literary creativity were banned, and he himself was deprived of the opportunity to publicly speak and teach. It should be noted that Thin Zhuo has a good heredity - his father lived for 95 years.
One of the main expressive features of the new President Mynama - high growth - we have understood. What else can be said about him?
Kozma: In a few months, Thin Zhuo will celebrate his 70th birthday - he was born on July 20, 1946. As I said, the president has a lot of Mon blood, but it is difficult to say which blood is more - Burmese or Mon - and this is probably not so important.
The first name of Thin Zhuo, which he received at the age of three months, was Dala Ban (there was such a famous Mon warrior). Apparently, his father, giving him this name, not only wanted to emphasize the fact that Mon blood flows in his son, but also “programmed” with the help of this name the son’s ability to win victories on the path of life. It is interesting that when Thin Zhuo took up literary work, he chose this pseudonym for himself - Dala Ban.
Is the current president of Myanmar a well-known writer?
Kozma: To be honest, very few Myanmarese have ever read his literary works (and he mostly wrote stories and articles). It is clear that now many will strive to catch up, and besides, after decades of rule by generals, the figure of a writer in the highest state post is so in demand in society that in a year many Myanmar people will definitely say that they enjoyed reading the stories of Tkhin Zhuo from childhood .
Thin Zhuo's most famous book is about the life of his father, Ming Tu Wun.
Thanks, interesting. Where did the president study? How did his life develop after high school?
Kozma: Tin Zhuo was educated first at the Rangoon University of Science and Arts (in the department that would later become the independent Yangon Institute of Economics) with a specialization in statistics. Then he worked for a short time in the computer center of the university. In 1971 he was sent to study at the University of London, where he studied computer technology. Subsequently, his education continued at the Arthur D. Little School of Management (Cambridge, Massachusetts), in addition, he trained in Japan. In 1975, he received a master's degree in computer technology from Rangoon University. In some biographies, Tin Zhuo writes that he graduated from Oxford (in those years when he was just educated in the UK), but, obviously, this is erroneous information that appeared due to the fact that his father graduated from Oxford at one time .
In Burma, Thin Kyaw worked as a teacher and made a career in the bureaucratic line. His first job after returning from the UK was in 1975 in the Ministry of Industry, and five years later he moved to the Ministry of Planning and Treasury, rising there to the position of Deputy Director of the Department of International Economic Relations. In 1992, he retired from the civil service, and from the mid-1990s began to take an active part in the activities of the National League for Democracy.
Knowledgeable people emphasize his excellent education, undoubted literary abilities, fluency in English. Separately, his bureaucratic and teaching experience, as well as the lack of desire to draw attention to his own person at any cost, are noted. Tin Zhuo is usually spoken of as a cultured man with a quiet voice and even, gentle manner. One of his friends told reporters that he had never seen him angry. Another notes that, being next to him, you always feel that he is a “reliable person”.
It is noteworthy that in many recent photos he walks a step behind Aung San Suu Kyi, and at the same time often talks about something on his mobile phone. According to people from Aung San Suu Kyi's entourage, this is how, on the go, he often resolved current issues with the leader of the NLD, and then, having a good memory, fixed the agreements on paper.
Unlike many of his comrades in the democratic movement, he practically did not sit behind bars, but in September 2000, after Aung San Suu Kyi tried to go to Mandalay with several NLD activists (among whom was Thin Kyaw), after all, for four month ended up in the notorious Insein prison in Yangon. The inmates remembered him as an attentive, intelligent and kind person, who distributed food parcels brought to him from home among other prisoners.
It turns out that the president is such a rather gentle person, personally devoted to Aung San Suu Kyi and without any particular personal ambitions?
Kozma: Probably yes. Based on what I have said, one can already understand how Thin Kyaw fits the role of the “decorative president” prepared for him by his school friend. Although, it seems to me, it is worth mentioning another important factor that undoubtedly influenced the choice made by the leader of the NLD. The fact is that Thin Zhuo is tall.
You already said that he should look like an equal with Western politicians. Is there another subtext?
Kozma: People who know the character of Aung San Suu Kyi say that here it was clearly not without her personal “hairpin” against the military, who actually closed (at least for now) her path to the presidency.
The Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Min Aung Hlein, is even slightly shorter than Aung San Suu Kyi, and she herself is a very petite woman. As a result, next to the president at official ceremonies, the commander-in-chief will look very comical - like a boy next to an adult. It seems that Aung San Suu Kyi decided to hurt her opponents in this way.
What can be said about the "first lady of Myanmar" - the wife of Thin Kyaw? Have you ever heard that she has a very strong influence on her husband?
Kozma: Not without it, but this is a topic for a separate discussion. If we take dry facts, then the wife of the President of Myanmar is Su Su Lwin. She is also a longtime NLD activist. She graduated from high school in Rangoon in 1970. Su Su Lwin is a linguist by education, and she is proud that she had the opportunity to study English with British professors who came to the country through the British Council. During the years of the military regime, she worked for a non-governmental organization that carried out educational projects. Since the 2012 by-election, she has been a member of the lower house of parliament (Pyitu Hluto) for the NLD, and was recently elected head of the parliamentary foreign affairs committee after the start of the new parliament.
One more small request. Myanmar is, unfortunately, not a very well-known country for us. As far as I understand, our media often get confused in the names of leading politicians, in some facts. They can give the same person for two, indicating different transliterations of the same Burmese name. If it's not difficult, please help us and name the most important figures in Myanmar's leadership and political circles.
Kozma: We can say that Aung San Suu Kyi tried to make life as easy as possible for those people who write about Myanmar - she took four ministerial positions at once: head of the Foreign Ministry, ministries of energy and education, and also became a minister of the presidential office. The latter position is especially important: Myanmar does not have a prime minister, and the head of the executive branch is the president. That is, the minister of the presidential office (if you do not take into account the figures of vice-presidents, each of whom has his own specific area of responsibility) is actually the second person in the civil bureaucratic hierarchy of the country. By the way, judging by the recent legislative initiative of the NLD, specifically for Aung San Suu Kyi, deputies are ready to introduce another special position with broad powers - a “state adviser”, which, judging by the statements of experts, will allow Aung San Suu Kyi to retain control over parliament even after the from his deputy powers in connection with the transition to work in the government.
That is why, taking into account the fact that Aung San Suu Kyi consistently implements his intention to be “above the president”, the formal head of state Ttin Kyaw and the commander-in-chief of the country’s armed forces Min Aung Hlein, speaking of Myanmar, apparently should not be mentioned in first, and second.
As for the figures of vice presidents, there are two of them: the military is represented by General Myin Swe, and the second vice president is the Chin Christian Henry Van Thio, who also represents the now ruling NLD.
